Executions were the final product of this machinery of terror. Tens of thousands of summary executions were carried out in courtyards and cellars, or in deserted fields on the edge of towns, during the years of the civil war. Whole prisons would be ‘emptied’ by the Cheka before a town was abandoned to the Whites. At night the cities tried to sleep to the sound of people being shot. The Bolsheviks themselves, however, did not lose much sleep. In 1919, during a session of Sovnarkom, Lenin wrote a note and passed it to Dzerzhinsky: ‘How many dangerous counter-revolutionaries do we have in prison?’ Dzerzhinsky scribbled, ‘About 1,500’ and returned the note. Lenin looked at it, placed the sign of a cross by the figure, and gave it back to the Cheka boss. That night, 1,500 Moscow prisoners were shot on Dzerzhinsky’s orders. This turned out to be a dreadful mistake. Lenin had not ordered the execution at all: he always placed a cross by anything he had read to signify that he had done so and taken it into account. As a result of Dzerzhinsky’s simple error 1,500 people lost their lives.103
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The Red Terror evoked protests from all quarters of society. Patriarch Tikhon condemned the violence and climate of fear created by the Bolsheviks, citing the prophecy of St Matthew: ‘All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.’ The opposition parties denounced the Terror in their underground newspapers. The famous Anarchist philosopher, Prince Kropotkin, whose daughter had been arrested in August 1918,fn20 denounced the Terror in a long and bitter letter to the Bolshevik leader, who was still recovering from Kaplan’s bullets, on 17 September: ‘To throw the country into a red terror, even more so to arrest hostages, in order to protect the lives of its leaders is not worthy of a Party calling itself socialist and disgraceful for its leaders.’ Workers also condemned the bloody terror perpetrated in their name. ‘Enough blood! Down with Terror!’ proclaimed the All-Ukrainian Trade Union Council in September. ‘Red is the colour of truth and justice,’ declared the railway workers of Kozlov. ‘But under the Bolsheviks it has become the colour of blood.’104
As the ‘conscience of the Revolution’, Gorky was by far the most outspoken critic of the Terror. Hundreds of people, from poets to peasants, wrote to him pleading for his help to save their loved ones. Gorky felt a strong moral obligation to do what he could for all of them. ‘I am their only hope,’ he told Ekaterina. This was the point when the humanist in him got the better of the revolutionary: he was more concerned for the individual than any abstract cause. He bombarded the Bolshevik leaders with countless letters demanding the release of innocent individuals from the Cheka jails. Their tone became increasingly irate. ‘In my view,’ he wrote to Zinoviev in March 1919 protesting against the arrest of an academic, ‘such arrests cannot be justified by any political means … The disgusting crimes you have perpetrated in Petersburg during the past few weeks have brought shame to the regime and aroused universal hatred and contempt for its cowardice.’ The following October he wrote to Dzerzhinsky appealing for the release of Professor Tonkov, President of the Military-Medical Academy: ‘All these arrests I see as an act of barbarism, as the deliberate destruction of the best brains of the country and I declare that by such actions the Soviet regime has made an enemy out of me.’105
Some of Gorky’s protests went straight to Lenin. The Bolshevik leader took an indulgent view of his favourite writer’s efforts to save human souls from the furnace of the revolution. He even intervened on some of their behalfs. The writer Ivan Volnyi, for example, gained his release from the Cheka jail in Orel through the combined efforts of Gorky and Lenin.106 But Lenin would have none of Gorky’s general criticisms of the Terror. Responding to the question of Tonkov’s arrest, for example, Lenin confessed in a letter to Gorky ‘that there have been mistakes’. But he went on to justify the general policy of arresting people like Tonkov, who were suspected of ‘being close to the Kadets’, in a preventive way. In his letter Lenin spelled out the difference between himself and Gorky. It was also the basic difference — one of means and ends — between the Bolsheviks and the democratic socialists:
Reading your frank opinion on this matter, I recall a remark of yours [from the past]: ‘We artists are irresponsible people.’ Exactly! You utter incredibly angry words — about what? About a few dozen (or perhaps even a few hundred) Kadet and near-Kadet gentry spending a few days in jail in order to prevent plots … which threaten the lives of tens of thousands of workers and peasants. A calamity indeed! What injustice. A few days, or even weeks, in jail for intellectuals in order to prevent the massacre of tens of thousands of workers and peasants! ‘Artists are irresponsible people.’107
