3. Lucy Komisar, “The Assassins of a Pope,” Albion Monitor, April 6, 1997, http://www.monitor.net/monitor/9703b/turkeycia-sidebar.html: “Both had worked together in a previous assassination effort. In 1979, Ali Agca killed a Turkish newspaper editor. Catli was in on the plot. When the police arrest[ed] Agca, they found a false passport belonging to Catli. Catli then reportedly helped organize Agca’s escape from an Istanbul military prison, and some have suggested Catli was even involved in the Pope’s assassination attempt.” In 1998 Le Monde diplomatique alleged that Abdullah Çatli had organized the assassination attempt on the pope “in exchange for the sum of 3 million German marks” for the Grey Wolves (“Turkey’s Pivotal Role in the International Drug Trade,” Le Monde diplomatique, July 1998).
4. Ertugrul Kurkcu, “Turkey: Trapped in a Web of Covert Killers,” Covert Action Quarterly 61, http://mediafilter.org/CAQ/caq61/CAQ61turkey.html.
5. Douglas Valentine, The Strength of the Pack: The People, Politics and Espionage Intrigues that Shaped the DEA (Springfield, OR: TrineDay, 2009), 140.
6. Daniele Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe (London: Frank Cass, 2005), 228–30; Kurkcu, “Turkey.”
7. Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies, 229.
8. Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies, 230.
9. Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies, 230, quoting from Directive ST 31/15 for Operations against Irregular Forces.
10. Sibel Edmonds has charged that “in 1989, while ‘most wanted’ by Interpol, [Catli] came to the U.S., was granted residency, and settled in Chicago, where he continued to conduct his operations until 1996” (American Conservative, November 2009, http://www.amconmag.com/article/2009/nov/01/00006). Other charges by Edmonds in the same article have since been corroborated by John M. Cole, a former FBI counterintelligence and counterespionage manager.
11. “Turkey’s Pivotal Role in the International Drug Trade,” Le Monde diplomatique, July 1998; cf. Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies, 108–9, 237–38, 298; Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1986), 147.
12. Hugh Shaughnessy, “Revealed: Pinochet Drug Smuggling Link,” Observer, December 10, 2000, http://www.guardian.co.uk/chile/story/0,,1026866,00.html; Rodrigo de Castro and Juan Gasparini, La Delgada linea blanca (Buenos Aires: Ediciones B Argentina, 2000). Cf. Guardian, July 11, 2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/jul/11/chile.drugstrade: “Augusto Pinochet’s $26m (£14m) fortune was amassed through cocaine sales to Europe and the US, the general’s former top aide for intelligence has alleged. In testimony sent to Chilean Judge Claudio Pavez, Manuel Contreras alleges that Pinochet and his son Marco Antonio organised a massive production and distribution network, selling cocaine to Europe and the US in the mid-1980s. According to Contreras, once Pinochet’s ally and now a bitter enemy, Pinochet ordered the army to build a clandestine cocaine laboratory in Talagante, a rural town 24 miles from Santiago. There he had chemists mix cocaine with other chemicals to produce what Contreras described as a ‘black cocaine’ capable of being smuggled past drug agents in the US and Europe.”
13. In August 2009 there were 637,000 Google hits for “shadow government USA.” Some of these referred to groups inside government, some referred to groups outside government, and many included both. This lack of clarity is appropriate for the deep state phenomenon as well.
14. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War (Ipswich, MA: Mary Ferrell Foundation Press, 2008), 6–7, 10–11, 29, 383, 395.
15. Peter Phillips and Mickey Huff, “Inside the Military Media Industrial Complex: Impacts on Movements for Peace and Social Justice,” DissidentVoice, December 22, 2009, http://dissidentvoice.org/2009/12/inside-the-military-media-industrial
-complex-impacts-on-movements-for-peace-and-social-justice. Phillips and Huff acknowledge their debt to C. Wright Mills’s classic The Power Elite.
