33. Porter, Perils of Dominance, 84, citing FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. 12, 528.
34. Porter, Perils of Dominance, 84; cf. Fineman, A Special Relationship, 197.
35. Porter, Perils of Dominance, 84, citing FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. 12, 613.
36. Fineman, A Special Relationship, 247.
37. George Herring, America’s Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950–1975 (New York: Knopf, 1986), 44; Fineman, A Special Relationship, 183; FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. 12, pt. 1, 364. According to Sucheng Chang, “The CIA had first heard of the Hmong [in Laos] when Edward Lansdale, one of its agents in Laos, became acquainted with the Hmong and their fighting ability” (Sucheng Chang, ed., Hmong Means Free: Life in Laos and America [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994], 29). A 1961 memo from Lansdale to Kennedy’s military adviser, General Maxwell Taylor, gives precise information about PARU, the BPP, the “splendid fighting men” of the Meos [Hmong] in Laos, and the “13 PARU teams, totaling 99 men, operating with the Meo guerrillas in Laos” (undated memo, apparently from July 1961, Pentagon Papers, Gravel Edition, 2: 643–49).
38. Fineman, A Special Relationship, 182.
39. Interview with Bill Lair, 137–39.
40. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 184.
41. Fineman notes that the United States provided funds for two BPP-administered supplementary programs, a civilian-based Volunteer Defense Corps and a permanent program for schools, clinics, and infrastructure in northern hill tribe villages (Fineman, A Special Relationship, 182–83). But these programs fell under Phase I of PSB D-23, Some BPP trainees, however, were taught from the outset to “parachute behind enemy lines” (Lobe, United States National Security Policy and Aid to the Thailand Police, 24).
42. Sterling Seagrave and Peggy Seagrave, Gold Warriors: America’s Secret Recovery of Yamashita’s Gold (London: Verso, 2003), 3.
43. Amy B. Zegart, Flawed by Design: The Evolution of the CIA, JCS, and NSC (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), 189, citing Christopher Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only (New York: HarperCollins, 1995), 172. See also U.S. Congress, Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Final Report, April 26, 1976, 94th Cong., 2nd sess., Senate Report No. 94-755, bk. 4, 28–29.
44. Chalmers Johnson, “The 1955 System and the American Connection: A Bibliographic Introduction,” Japan Policy Research Institute, JPRI Working Paper no. 11, July 1995, http://www.jpri.org/publications/workingpapers/wp11.html:
These issues reentered the news when the New York Times published [on October 9, 1994] its “C.I.A. Spent Millions to Support Japanese Right in 50’s and 60’s,” by Tim Weiner, Stephen Engelberg, and James Sterngold. This report did not say anything that had not been strongly suspected earlier, but it quoted some important participants, including Alfred C. Ulmer, Jr., the CIA’s operations chief for East Asia from 1955 to 1958; Roger Hilsman, the head of Intelligence and Research at the State Department in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations; and U. Alexis Johnson, American ambassador to Japan from 1966 to 1969. Each acknowledged making or authorizing payoffs to the LDP [Liberal Democratic Party] from 1955 to approximately 1972.
Cf. Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (New York: Doubleday, 2007), 116–21: this is a watered-down account, alleging wrongly that the CIA connection to Yoshio Kodama (part of the global drug connection and a major source of illicit funds) “was severed” in 1953.
45. Norbert A. Schlei, “Japan’s ‘M-Fund’ Memorandum,” January 7, 1991, Japan Policy Research Institute, JPRI Working Paper no.11, July 1995, http://www.jpri.org/publications/workingpapers/wp11.html:
