probable that most members of the outer circle were not conscious that they were being
used by a secret society. More likely they knew it, but, English fashion, felt it discreet to
ask no questions. The ability of Englishmen of this class and background to leave the
obvious unstated, except perhaps in obituaries, is puzzling and sometimes irritating to an
outsider. In general, I have undoubtedly made mistakes in my lists of members, but the
mistakes, such as they are, are to be found rather in my attribution of any particular
person to the outer circle instead of the inner core, rather than in my connecting him to
the Group at all. In general, I have attributed no one to the inner core for whom I do not
have evidence, convincing to me, that he attended the secret meetings of the Group. As a
result, several persons whom I place in the outer circle, such as Lord Halifax, should
probably be placed in the inner core.
I should say a few words about my general attitude toward this subject. I approached
the subject as a historian. This attitude I have kept. I have tried to describe or to analyze,
not to praise or to condemn. I hope that in the book itself this attitude is maintained. Of
course I have an attitude, and it would be only fair to state it here. In general, I agree with
the goals and aims of the Milner Group. I feel that the British way of life and the British
Commonwealth of Nations are among the great achievements of all history. I feel that the
destruction of either of them would be a terrible disaster to mankind. I feel that the
withdrawal of Ireland, of Burma, of India, or of Palestine from the Commonwealth is
regrettable and attributable to the fact that the persons in control of these areas failed to
absorb the British way of life while they were parts of the Commonwealth. I suppose, in
the long view, my attitude would not be far different from that of the members of the
Milner Group. But, agreeing with the Group on goals, I cannot agree with them on
methods. To be sure, I realize that some of their methods were based on nothing but good
intentions and high ideals—higher ideals than mine, perhaps. But their lack of
perspective in critical moments, their failure to use intelligence and common sense, their
tendency to fall back on standardized social reactions and verbal cliches in a crisis, their
tendency to place power and influence into hands chosen by friendship rather than merit,
their oblivion to the consequences of their actions, their ignorance of the point of view of
persons in other countries or of persons in other classes in their own country—these
things, it seems to me, have brought many of the things which they and I hold dear close
to disaster. In this Group were persons like Esher, Grey, Milner, Hankey, and Zimmern,
who must command the admiration and affection of all who know of them. On the other
hand, in this Group were persons whose lives have been a disaster to our way of life.
Unfortunately, in the long run, both in the Group and in the world, the influence of the
latter kind has been stronger than the influence of the former.
This has been my personal attitude. Little of it, I hope, has penetrated to the pages
which follow. I have been told that the story I relate here would be better left untold,
since it would provide ammunition for the enemies of what I admire. I do not share this
view. The last thing I should wish is that anything I write could be used by the
Anglophobes and isolationists of the
to be told, and, once told, can be an injury to no men of good will. Only by a knowledge
of the errors of the past is it possible to correct the tactics of the future.
Carroll Quigley
1949
Chapter 1—Introduction
One wintry afternoon in February 1891, three men were engaged in earnest
conversation in London. From that conversation were to flow consequences of the
greatest importance to the British Empire and to the world as a whole. For these men
were organizing a secret society that was, for more than fifty years, to be one of the most
important forces in the formulation and execution of British imperial and foreign policy.
The three men who were thus engaged were already well known in England. The
leader was Cecil Rhodes, fabulously wealthy empire-builder and the most important
person in South Africa. The second was William T. Stead, the most famous, and probably
also the most sensational, journalist of the day. The third was Reginald Baliol Brett, later
known as Lord Esher, friend and confidant of Queen Victoria, and later to be the most
influential adviser of King Edward VII and King George V.
The details of this important conversation will be examined later. At present we need
only point out that the three drew up a plan of organization for their secret society and a
list of original members. The plan of organization provided for an inner circle, to be
known as "The Society of the Elect," and an outer circle, to be known as "The