was issued with the famous Selborne Federation Dispatch of 7 January 1907 and

published as an Imperial Blue Book (Cmd. 3564 of 1907). It was republished, with an

introduction by Basil Williams of the Kindergarten, by Oxford University Press in 1925.

The Central Committee of the Closer Union Societies (which was nothing but the

Kindergarten) wrote a complete and detailed account of the political institutions of the

various areas concerned. This was called The Government of South Africa and was issued

anonymously in five parts, and revised later in two quarto volumes. A copy was sent to

every delegate to the National Convention in Durban in 1908, along with another

anonymous work (edited by B. K. Long), called The Framework of Union. This latter

work contained copies of the five chief federal constitutions of the world (United States,

Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and Australia). Curtis was also the chief author of the

draft of projected constitution presented by the Transvaal delegation to the National

Convention. This draft, with modifications, became the Constitution of the Union of

South Africa in 1910. The Transvaal delegation, alone of the various delegations, lived

together in one house and had a body of expert advisers; both of these circumstances

were due to the Kindergarten.

After the convention accepted the Union Constitution, it was necessary to have it

accepted by the Imperial Parliament and the various states of South Africa. In both of

these tasks the Kindergarten played an important role, in England through their control of

The Times and The Morning Post as well as other sources of propaganda, and in South

Africa by the economic pressure of the Transvaal. In Natal, the only state which

submitted the question to a referendum, the Kindergarten put on an intensive propaganda

drive, financed with money from the Transvaal. Of this struggle in Natal, Brand, with his

usual secrecy on all matters dealing with the Kindergarten, merely says: "A referendum

was therefore taken—contrary to general expectation, it revealed an overwhelming

majority for union, a good testimony to the sound sense of the people of the colony."(9)

Brand, as secretary to the Transvaal delegation to the Convention, knew more than this!

The same secrecy was maintained in regard to the whole convention. No record of its

proceedings was kept, but, according to Worsfold, its resolutions were drafted by Brand

and Duncan.

Throughout these activities, the Kindergarten received powerful support from a man

who by this time was a member of the Milner Group and later gained international fame,

chiefly because of this membership. This was Jan C. Smuts.

Smuts had studied in England, at Cambridge University and the Middle Temple. By

1895 he was a lawyer in Cape Town. His lack of success in this profession doubtless had

some influence in turning him into the devious opportunist he soon became, but

throughout his opportunism he clung to that ideal which he shared with Rhodes and

Milner—the ideal of a united South Africa. All his actions from this date onward—no

matter how much they may seem, viewed superficially, to lead in another direction—

were directed toward the end ultimately achieved: a United South Africa within the

British Empire—and, to him almost equally important, a United South Africa in which he

would be the dominant figure. Smuts and Milner differed chiefly on this last point, for if

Milner was "selfless," this was almost the last word which could be applied to Smuts.

Otherwise the two seemed very similar—similar in their desires for a united South Africa

and later a united British Empire, and extraordinarily similar in their cold austerity,

impersonal intellectualism, and driving discipline (applied to self even more than to

others). In spite of their similar goals for the Empire, Smuts and Milner were not close

friends. Perhaps such similar personalities could not be expected to find mutual

agreement, but the divergence probably rests, rather, on the one characteristic in their

personalities where they most obviously differed.

Smuts and Rhodes, on the other hand, got on together very well. As early as 1895, the

unsuccessful Cape Town lawyer was sent by the great imperialist to Kimberley to speak

in his defense. But after the Jameson Raid, Smuts became one of the most vociferous

critics of Rhodes and the British. These attacks gave Smuts a reputation as an

Anglophobe, which yielded considerable profits immediately. Going to the Transvaal

(where he added to his fame by uncompromising support of President Kruger), he was

raised, at the age of twenty-eight, to the post of State Attorney (1898). In this position,

and later as Colonial Secretary, he adopted tactics which led steadily to war (forcing the

Uitlanders to pay taxes while denying them the franchise, arresting Uitlander newspaper

editors like Monypenny, etc.). At the Bloemfontein Conference of 1899 between Kruger

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