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of the interests and fortunes of fellow subjects who have not yet attained "to the full

stature of self-government." He then pointed out the two principles of centralization and

disintegration which had applied to the Empire in the early Victorian period, and

declared: "Neither of these theories commands the faintest support today, either at home

or in any part of our self-governing Empire.... Whether in this United Kingdom or in any

one of the great communities which you represent, we each of us are, and we each of us

intend to remain, master in our own household. This is, here at home and throughout the

Dominions, the lifeblood of our polity." Thus spoke Asquith, and even the ultra-federalist

Curtis approved. He also approved when Asquith squelched Sir John Ward's suggestion

for the creation of an Imperial Council, although doubtless from quite a different

motivation.

At the Conference of 1911, as is well known, the overseas members were for the first

time initiated into the mysteries of high policy, because of the menace of Germany.

Except for this, which paid high dividends in 1914, the Conference was largely wasted

motion.

The Conference of 1915 was not held, because of the war, but as soon as Milner came

into the government in December 1915, The Round Table's argument that the war should

be used as a means for consolidating the Empire, rather than as an excuse for postponing

consolidation, began to take effect. The Round Table during 1915 was agitating for an

immediate Imperial Conference with Indian participation for the first time. As soon as

Milner joined the Cabinet in December 1915, he sent out cables to the Dominions and to

India, inviting them to come. It was Milner also who created the Imperial War Cabinet by

adding Dominion members to the British War Cabinet. These developments were

foretold and approved by The Round Table. In its June 1917 issue it said, in the course of

a long article on "New Developments in the Constitution of the Empire":

“At a date which cannot be far distant an Imperial Conference will assemble, the

purpose of which will be to consider what further steps can be taken to transform the

Empire of a State in which the main responsibilities and burdens of its common affairs

are sustained and controlled by the United Kingdom into a commonwealth of equal

nations conducting its foreign policy and common affairs by some method of continuous

consultation and concerted action.... The decision today is against any federated

reconstruction after the war.... It is evident, however, that the institution through which

the improved Imperial system will chiefly work will be the newly constituted Imperial

Cabinet. The Imperial Cabinet will be different in some important respects from the

Imperial Conference. It will meet annually instead of once in four years. It will be

concerned more particularly with foreign policy, which the Imperial Conference has

never yet discussed.... Its proceedings will consequently be secret.... It will also consist of

the most important British Ministers sitting in conclave with the Overseas Ministers

instead of the Secretary of State for the Colonies alone as has been usually the case

hitherto.”

As is well known, the Imperial War Cabinet met fourteen times in 1917, met again in

1918, and assembled at Paris in 1918-1919 as the British Empire delegation to the Peace

Conference. Parallel with it, the Imperial War Conference met in London in 1917, under

the Colonial Secretary, to discuss non-war problems. At the meetings of the former body

it was decided to hold annual meetings in the future and to invite the Dominions to

establish resident ministers in London to insure constant consultation. At a meeting in

1917 was drawn up the famous Imperial Resolution, which excluded federation as a

solution of the imperial problem and recognized the complete equality of the Dominions

and the United Kingdom under one King. These developments were not only acceptable

to Milner but apparently were largely engineered by him. On 9 July 1919, he issued a

formal statement containing the sentences, "The only possibility of a continuance of the

British Empire is on a basis of absolute-out-and-out-equal partnership between the United

Kingdom and the Dominions. I say that without any kind of reservation whatever."

When Milner died, in May 1925, The Times obituary had this to say about this portion

of his life:

“With the special meeting of the War Cabinet attended by the Dominion Prime

Ministers which, beginning on March 20, came to be distinguished as the Imperial War

Cabinet . . . Milner was more closely concerned than any other British statesman. The

conception of the Imperial War Cabinet and the actual proposal to bring the Dominion

Premiers into the United Kingdom Cabinet were his. And when, thanks to Mr. Lloyd

George's ready acceptance of the proposal, Milner's conception was realized, it proved to

be not only a solution of the problem of Imperial Administrative unity in its then transient