Balance of Power полностью

    Yesterday, Kilcannon said, I vetoed that bill. This morning an Internet columnist printed a story regarding my relationship to Lara prior to our engagement. In all factual respects—as opposed to its characterization of our motives or emotions—that story is true.

    "Even the abortion," Fasano murmured. In his soul, he believed that abortion was the taking of human life; in the most graphic way, this illustrated the gulf between Fasano and a man he often thought to be devoid of spiritual values—a Catholic who passed himself as personally devoted to the teachings of their Church; a President who "reluctantly" distinguished between his religious beliefs and what government could dictate in the realm of private conduct; an adulterer who—in the hidden recesses of his life—cared nothing for the life of his own child. With unsparing self-knowledge, Fasano realized that his disgust over Kilcannon's acts soon would distance him from his visceral horror at Dane's use of them, enabling him to coldly assess their impact in the public sphere.

    "It's over with," he murmured. "Certainly this veto, and maybe even his Presidency."

    "If we don't take the lead," Harshman answered, "we don't deserve to be senators." Weighing Harshman's words, Fasano reflected on how difficult it would be to walk the public line between disapproval and savagery in a way which served his goals. Once more, he focused on the President.

    But there is a deeper truth, Kilcannon said firmly. Personal lives are as complex as the reasons that people are happy, or sad. I'm lucky to have met the woman I was meant to be with. I don't think I need explain the hows or the whys, or that Lara need discuss with anyone a decision which—in simple decency—other women are allowed to make in private.

    " 'In simple decency,' " Harshman repeated with scorn. But the background buzz of astonishment from the press corps had yielded to silence.

    In any life, the President continued, there are decisions which keep us up at night, long after they are made. There are decisions which others would make differently. But I do not think a public burning should be the price of a public career. I trust the American people to judge us on how we fulfill the public responsibilities they have given us. Pausing, Kilcannon looked unflinchingly into the camera. For our part, we will do our best. But as to this deeply private matter, we have nothing more to say.

    With this, he turned, heading for the exit. Mr. President, a woman's voice called out, does this mean that Mrs. Kilcannon will cease to be a spokesperson regarding the gun issue?

    The President kept walking. Then, abruptly, he turned, fixing his inquisitor with a long cold stare. I really did mean nothing, he said. To you or anyone. You'll have to do without us.

    With that, Kilcannon left the room.

    "Well?" Harshman inquired.

    "No one said he lacks for nerve." Pausing, Fasano made his tone imperative. "I want the leadership in my office—now. We need to be disciplined, and let other people do whatever damage there's left to do. I don't want our senators on CNN before we've assessed the public mood."

    "Don't you think," Harshman objected, "that we should lead the public mood?"

    Fasano appraised him. "Have you stopped to wonder just where this story came from? I'll bet Kilcannon has. You may remember my predecessor, the once-powerful Macdonald Gage." He slowed his speech to underscore each word. "Suppose Kilcannon finds whoever planted the story. If that happens, you won't want to be their Siamese twin. So do me—and yourself—a favor, Paul. Shut up."

    Before Harshman could respond, Fasano's intercom buzzed. "You'd better drop whatever you're doing," his Chief of Staff said tersely. "Hampton's taking the floor."

* * *

    In the minute or so it took Fasano to lope from his office to the Senate's swinging door, Chuck Hampton had begun.