As mentioned, Quigley's book was intended for an elite readership composed of scholars and network insiders. But, unexpect-edly, it began to be quoted in the journals of the John Birch Societywhich correctly had perceived that his work provided a valuableinsight to the inner workings of a hidden power structure Thatexposure triggered a large demand for the book by people whowere opposed to the network and curious to see what an insider hadto say about ,t. That was not according to the original plan. What happened next is best described by Quigley, himself. In a personal letter dated December 9,1975, he wrote: MASQUERADE IN MOSCOW

269

up to $135 arid parts were reprinted in violation of copyright, but I could do nothing because I believed the publisher, and he would not take action even when a pirate copy of the book appeared. Only when I hired a lawyer in 1974 did I get any answers to my questions....

In another personal letter, Quigley commented further on the duplicity of his publisher:

They lied to me for six years, telling me that they would reprint when they got 2,000 orders, which could never happen because they told anyone who asked that it was out of print and would not be reprinted. They denied this to me until I sent them Xerox copies of such replies in libraries, at which they told me it was a clerk's error. In other words, they lied to me but prevented me from regaining publication rights.... I am now quite sure that Tragedy and Hope was suppressed....

To understand why "powerful people" would want to suppress this book, note carefully what follows. Dr. Quigley describes the goal of this network of world financiers as:

... nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. This system was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences....

Each central bank, in the hands of men like Montagu Norman of the Bank of England, Benjamin Strong of the New York Federal Reserve Bank, Charles Rist of the Bank of France, and Hjalmar Schacht of the Reichsbank, sought to dominate its government by its ability to control treasury loans, to manipulate foreign exchanges, to influence the level of economic activity in the country, and to influence cooperative politicians by subsequent economic rewards in the business world.

1. These letters were first published in the Summer, 1976, issue of Conspiracy Digest, published by Peter McAlpine (Alpine Press, Dearborn, Michigan). The originals cannot now be located. However, the author was able to locate the attorney, Mr. Paul Wolff (with the firm of Williams & Connolly in Washington, D.C.) who represented Quigley in his legal action against the publisher. Mr. Wolff cannot vouch for the authenticity of the letters themselves, but has confirmed in phone conversations and later in writing that the essentia] details are correct. He writes: "It is my recollection that they withheld from me and the Professor for some time the information that they had in fact destroyed 'the plates.'"

2. Quigley, Tragedy, p. 324.

270 THE CREATURE FROM JEKYLL ISLAND

That is the information that "powerful people" do not want the common man to know.

Notice that Quigley refers to this group as a "network." That is a precise choice of words, and it is important to an understanding of the forces of international finance. The network to which he refers is not the secret society. It is no doubt directed by it, and there are society members in key positions within the network, but we can be sure that there are many in the network who have little or no knowledge of hidden control. To explain how this can be possible, let us turn to the origin and growth of the secret society itself.

RUSKIN, RHODES, AND MILNER

In 1870, a wealthy British socialist by the name of John Ruskin was appointed as professor of fine arts at Oxford University in London. He tfught that the state must take control of the means of production and organize them for the good of the community as a whole. He advocated placing control of the state into the hands of a small ruling class, perhaps even a single dictator. He said: "My continual aim has been to show the eternal superiority of some men to others, sometimes even of one man to all others."1

Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги