103. Adam, Judenpolitik, 213–16.
104. Müller, Heer, 385–7.
105. Nicholas Reynolds, ‘Der Fritsch-Brief vom 11. Dezember 1938’, VfZ, 28 (1980), 358–71, here 362–3, 370.
106. JK, 89 (Doc.61).
107. Adam, Judenpolitik, 228; Wildt, 60.
108. Peter Longerich (ed.), Die Ermordung der europäischen Juden. Eine umfassende Dokumentation des Holocaust 1941–1945, Munich, 1989, 83.
109. Adam, Judenpolitik, 217–19.
110. Below, 136; IfZ, ZS-317, Bd.II, Fol.28 (Wolff); IfZ, ZS-243, Bd.I (for the comment of Hitler’s adjutant Brückner, that Hitler was said to have fallen into a rage when told of the burning of the synagogue in Munich). See also Irving, Goebbels, 277, 613 and David Irving, The War Path. Hitler’s Germany, 1933–9, London, 1978, 164–5, for Hitler’s alleged surprise at, or condemnation of, the events.
111. IMG, xxi.392.
112. Below, 136. Below’s account is very sympathetic to Hitler. Below thought Hitler knew nothing about what was going on. He also mentions Schaub’s remark that Goebbels somehow had his finger in the pie. This was something of an understatement. According to Goebbels’s own account, Schaub had been in his element when the pair of them had gone together after midnight to the Artists’ Club (TBJG, I/6, 181 (10 November 1938); Tb Irving, 410 (10 November 1938)). Below’s chronology is also inaccurate. He gives the impression that Hitler’s entourage heard of the destruction on their return from the midnight swearing-in of the SS recruits. But Hitler had been informed before he had set out for this (IMG, xxi.392; IfZ, ZS-317 (Wolff), Bd.II, Fol.28; Adam, in Pehle, 78).
113. Speer, Erinnerungen, 126.
114. Hans-Günther Seraphim (ed.), Das politische Tagebuch Alfred Rosenbergs 1934/35 und 1939/40, Munich, 1964, 81 (6 February 1939).
115. Müller, Heer, 385–6; Erich Raeder, Mein Leben, Tübingen, 2 vols., 1956–7, ii.133–4.
116. TBJG, I/6, 180 (10 November 1938); Tb Irving, 409 (10 November 1938).
117. IfZ, ZS-243, Bd.I (Heim), Fol.27 (statement by Jüttner); Irving, Goebbels, 274.
118. TBJG, I/6, 189–90 (17 November 1938); Tb Irving, 417 (17 November 1938). See also Irving, Goebbels, 282.
119. See, for a contrasting interpretation, Irving, Goebbels, 276–7. The post-war explanation of Heinrich Heim (a lawyer and civil servant employed in Hess’s office, later an adjutant of Martin Bormann, and commissioned by him to make notes of Hitler’s ‘table-talk’ monologues) was that Goebbels had regarded the casual remark by Hitler ‘that the demonstrators (for the time being only relatively harmless) should not be severely dealt with’ (‘dass man die Demonstranten (vorläufig nur relativ harmlose!) nicht scharf anpacken soll’), as a licence (Freibrief), and believed therefore that he was ‘certainly acting along the lines of what his master wanted’ (‘bestimmt im Sinne seines Herrn zu handeln’) (IfZ, ZS-243, Bd.I (Heim), Fol.29).
120. For Goebbels’s ‘anger’ at the burning of the Munich synagogue and other outrages in publicly berating his Gau Propaganda Leaders at the station in Munich on returning to Berlin, see IfZ, ZS-243, Bd.I (Heim), Fol.28 (post-war statement of Werner Naumann, later State Secretary in the Propaganda Ministry); and see Irving, Goebbels, 280.
121. Domarus, 973; Treue, ‘Rede Hitlers vor der deutschen Presse (10. November 1938)’, 175ff. Nor had Hitler given any indication, despite vom Rath’s perilous condition at the time and the menacing antisemitic climate, of any intended action when he had spoken to the ‘old guard’ of the Party at the Bürgerbräukeller on the evening of 8 November. Domarus, 966ff. for the speech. The point is made by Adam, Judenpolitik, 206.
122. Below, 137.
123. MK, 772; MK Watt, 620.
124. IMG, xxviii.538–9.
125. Das Schwarze Korps, 27 October 1938, p.6.
126. Das Schwarze Korps, 3 November 1938, p.2. And see Kochan, 39.
127. Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 185.
128. ADAP, D, IV, Dok.271, 293–5 (quotation, 293); Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 184; Adam, Judenpolitik, 234, n.4. Pirow had raised the possibility of an international loan to finance Jewish emigration and the notion of settling Jews in a former German colony such as Tanganyika — a proposal rejected out of hand by Hitler. See Graml, Reichskristallnacht, 182–3 (and n.4–5) for emigration as a policy, and 184–5 for the hostage notion. For the latter, see also the remarks of Hans Mommsen, ‘Die Realisierung des Utopischen: Die “Endlösung der Judenfrage” im “Dritten Reich”’, GG, 9 (1983), 381–420, here 396.
