The end of the siege was not the end of the fighting. It took the Red Army only three weeks to push von Küchler’s Sixteenth and Eighteenth Armies back to the Estonian border, but until July 1944 to break the Panther Line and to expel them from the border citadel of Narva, dogged German resistance exacting a massive military death toll to book-end that of the opening months of the war. One of the fallen was Vasili Churkin’s seventeen-year-old son Tolya. In his free time, Churkin searched for his corpse, until he realised that ‘if I wanted to turn over every dead body on this little piece of ground it would take months and months. They were everywhere — along both sides of the roads, in the woods, in clearings. The Narva bridgehead was swallowing division after division.’1 In the six months from the start of Leningrad’s liberation offensive, more than 150,000 Soviet troops were killed, captured or went missing — often in the same sort of clumsy infantry charges that had cost so many lives two years earlier.2 Rejoining his men at Gatchina after Christmas home leave, Hockenjos was told ‘over and over how they had shot the Russians to bits and sent them packing — the Leningrad Guards, who attacked in large, unmissable groups, waving red flags’. Was it ‘Russian stubbornness’, he wondered, that made ‘fifty men come out of the forest in the middle of the day and march towards us through the snow across an open field’, or was it ‘the ice-cold devilry of some Commissar, sitting at the edge of the trees and sending out a company just so as to test our defences? Either way, we picked them all off easily with rifles, and didn’t even have to bother with our guns.’3
Commissar or no, the Red Army was advancing and the Wehrmacht retreating, scorching earth as it went. (‘I could shoot those
Leningrad’s liberation found now twelve-year-old Irina Bogdanova still with her children’s home in the Yaroslavl countryside. The announcement, she remembers, was greeted with shrieks of joy and flying pillows:
Then after a few minutes, in a corner of the dormitory, someone started crying. Then in another corner, another child, until we were all crying. And none of us wanted any breakfast or any lunch. Not until suppertime were the teachers able to coax us into the dining room. It was because we suddenly realised that nobody was waiting for us. Living in the children’s home we hadn’t thought about this, we’d just been waiting for the war to be over. Only with victory did we have to come to terms with life again, with all that we had lost.5
Olga Grechina, serving out her last months at Boarding School no. 43, celebrated with her colleagues:
The staff gathered together in the evening, instead of eating in their separate corners as usual. People brought out vodka; we sang, cried, laughed; but it was sad all the same — the losses were just too large. A great work had ended, impossible deeds had been done, we all felt that. . But we also felt confusion. How should we live now? For what purpose?6
Olga Fridenberg mourned her mother, spending long hours curled up in bed with her face to the wall, or mechanically tidying and sweeping:
Now I have so much time, I feel cast away in it. All around me it stretches away into infinity. I want to fill it by doing things, by moving about in space, but nothing helps. . Only late in the evening do my spirits revive somewhat — another day is over. Relieved, I lie down and for seven hours am blissfully unaware of time. . Waking up in the morning is frightful — that first moment of consciousness after the night. I am here. I am in time again.7