It is not my aim to 'deconstruct' these myths; nor do I wish to claim, in the jargon used by academic cultural historians these days, that Russia's nationhood was no more than an intellectual 'construction'. There was a Russia that was real enough - a Russia that existed before 'Russia' or 'European Russia', or any other myths of the national identity. There was the historical Russia of ancient Muscovy, which had been very different from the West, before Peter the Great forced it to conform to European ways in the eighteenth century. During Tolstoy's lifetime, this old Russia was still animated by the traditions of the Church, by the customs of the merchants and many of the gentry on the land, and by the empire's
Russia which reverberates in Natasha's dancing scene. And it was surely not so fanciful for Tolstoy to imagine that there was a common sense which linked the young countess to every Russian woman and every Russian man. For, as this book will seek to demonstrate, there is a Russian temperament, a set of native customs and beliefs, something visceral, emotional, instinctive, passed on down the generations, which has helped to shape the personality and bind together the community. This elusive temperament has proved more lasting and more meaningful than any Russian state: it gave the people the spirit to survive the darkest moments of their history, and united those who fled from Soviet Russia after 1917. It is not my aim to deny this national consciousness, but rather to suggest that the apprehension of it was enshrined in myth. Forced to become Europeans, the educated classes had become so alienated from the old Russia, they had so long forgotten how to speak and act in a Russian way, that when, in Tolstoy's age, they struggled to define themselves as 'Russians' once again, they were obliged to reinvent that nation through historical and artistic myths. They rediscovered their own 'Russianness' through literature and art, just as Natasha found her 'Russianness' through the rituals of the dance. Hence the purpose of this book is not simply to debunk these myths. It is rather to explore, and to set out to explain, the extraordinary power these myths had in shaping the Russian national consciousness.
The major cultural movements of the nineteenth century were all organized around these fictive images of Russia's nationhood: the Slavophiles, with their attendant myth of the 'Russian soul', of a natural Christianity among the peasantry, and their cult of Muscovy as the bearer of a truly 'Russian' way of life which they idealized and set out to promote as an alternative to the European culture adopted by the educated elites since the eighteenth century; the Westernizers, with their rival cult of St Petersburg, that 'window on to the West', with its classical ensembles built on marshland reclaimed from the sea - a symbol of their own progressive Enlightenment ambition to redraw Russia on a European grid; the Populists, who were not far from Tolstoy, with their notion of the peasant as a natural socialist whose village institutions would provide a model for the new society; and the
Scythians, who saw Russia as an 'elemental' culture from the Asiatic
steppe which, in the revolution yet to come, would sweep away the dead weight of European civilization and establish a new culture where man and nature, art and life, were one. These myths were more than just 'constructions' of a national identity. They all played a crucial role in shaping the ideas and allegiances of Russia's politics, as well as in developing the notion of the self, from the most elevated forms of personal and national identity to the most quotidian matters of dress or food, or the type of language one used. The Slavophiles illustrate the point. Their idea of 'Russia' as a patriarchal family of homegrown Christian principles was the organizing kernel of a new political community in the middle decades of the nineteenth century which drew its members from the old provincial gentry, the Moscow merchants and intelligentsia, the priesthood and certain sections of the state bureaucracy. The mythic notion of Russia's nationhood which brought these groups together had a lasting hold on the political imagination. As a political movement, it influenced the government's position on free trade and foreign policy, and gentry attitudes towards the state and peasantry. As a broad cultural movement the Slavophiles adopted a
certain style of speech and dress, distinct codes of social interaction and behaviour, a style of architecture and interior design, their own approach to literature and art. It was all bast shoes and homespun
coats and beards, cabbage soup and
