There suddenly appear groups called “Marching Together,” or “Singing Together” or
“For Stability” or some other latter-day version of the Soviet Union’s Pioneer Movement.
A distinctive feature of these pro-Putin quasi-political movements is the amazing
speed with which, without any of the usual bureaucratic prevarication, they are legally
registered by the Ministry of Justice, which is usually very chary of attempts to
create anything remotely political.[3]
Walking Together achieved its first great publicity success with an attack on the
writer Vladimir Sorokin, whom they accused of pornography because of an ironic description
of a sexual encounter between Stalin and Khrushchev in his novel Blue Fat. In the center of Moscow members of the group tore up books by Sorokin, which were
thrown into a huge papier-mâché toilet bowl that they had installed on a sidewalk.
A member of the movement brought a case against the author, which was taken over by
the prosecutor’s office. The publicist Fedor Yermolov wrote: “The first image that
springs to mind is the destruction of ‘dangerous’ books by fascists in the 1930s.”[4] He added that there were “deeper roots to the Sorokin scandal. The need to create
a new state ideology means that the ruling classes are faced with the task of defining
the extent and the possible ways in which individual key figures of Russian culture
can influence the public consciousness. In this respect, what is happening to Sorokin
may be seen as a sounding of public opinion, a test of society’s reaction to the encroachment
of ideology into the cultural process.”[5] Vasily Yakemenko, the leader of Walking Together, told Radio Ekho Moskvy that the
case was “a first sign of the regeneration of our society” and “a sign that the era
of the marginal characters, who use filthy language to describe all kinds of perversions
. . . is coming to an end.”[6]
Founding the Nashi: A Kremlin Initiative
When, in the autumn of 2004, in neighboring Ukraine the Orange Revolution took place,
this event fundamentally changed the way in which the Kremlin viewed the role of its
youth organization. It was no longer perceived as a presidential fan club, but was
to become the Kremlin’s bulwark against a color revolution in Russia. This meant,
first, that the movement had to become more combative. Second, that, instead of concentrating
on moral issues, it should focus more on geopolitical issues. And, third, that it
should attack not only internal foes, but also foreign enemies, suspected of supporting
opposition groups in Russia. On February 17, 2005—three weeks after the inauguration
of Viktor Yushchenko as Ukraine’s new “orange” president—Vladislav Surkov met in secret
with thirty-five to forty young people in St. Petersburg. The meeting was arranged
by Vasily Yakemenko, founder of Walking Together. The goal of the meeting was to set
up a new youth organization that would get the name Nashi (literally “Ours,” but its connotation is something like “Our Guys,” making a clear
distinction between “us” and “them”—the outsiders, enemies, and foreigners).[7] Putin’s new militants were conceived as a defense against organized opposition
groups, such as Kmara in Georgia and Pora in Ukraine, that were at the forefront of the popular color revolutions in these countries.
These grassroots organizations, fighting for democracy, individual freedom, and respect
for human rights, based their actions on nonviolent strategies, such as were described
by Gene Sharp in his influential book From Dictatorship to Democracy.[8] The Nashi movement was the total opposite of these movements. Instead of a spontaneous organization that had its roots in civil
society, it was a top-down initiative, conceived down to the smallest detail within
the Kremlin walls. Its objective was not to foster democracy, but to support a nondemocratic,
autocratic power elite. The new organization received generous funding, not only from
the Kremlin, but also from the Kremlin-related company Gazprom.[9] In her diary Anna Politkovskaya commented on the Nashi:
