Among the Warao, a group living in the forests of Brazil, ordinary relations are suspended periodically and replaced by ritual relations, known as
In his fascinating profile of the Piraha and a scientist who studies them, journalist John Colapinto reports that “though [they] do not allow marriage outside their tribe, they have long kept their gene pool refreshed by permitting their women to sleep with outsiders.”12
Among the Siriono, it’s common for brothers to marry sisters, forming an altogether different sort of
This casual approach to what anthropologists call “marriage” is anything but unusual. Early explorers, whalers, and fur trappers of the frigid north found the Inuit to be jaw-droppingly hospitable hosts. Imagine their confused gratitude when they realized the village headman was offering his own bed (wife included) to the weary, freezing traveler. In fact, the welcome Knud Ramusen and others had stumbled into was a system of spouse exchange central to Inuit culture, with clear advantages in that unforgiving climate. Erotic exchange played an important role in linking families from distant villages in a durable web of certain aid in times of crisis. Though the harsh ecology of the Arctic dictated a much lower population density than the Amazon or even the Kalahari Desert, extra-pair sexual interaction helped cement bonds that offered the same insurance against unforeseen difficulties.
None of this behavior is considered adultery by the people
involved. But then,
It’s not just thy neighbor’s wife who can lead a man astray,
but thine own as well. A well-known moral guide of the
Middle Ages, the
written by Vincent of Beauvais, declared, “A man who loves
his wife very much is an adulterer. Any love for someone
else’s wife, or too much love for one’s own, is shameful.”
The author went on to advise, “The upright man should love
13
his wife with his judgment, not his affections.” Vincent of Beauvais would have enjoyed the company of Daniel Defoe (of London), famous still as the author of
Defoe would have appreciated the Nayar people, native to southern India, who have a type of marriage that doesn’t necessarily include any sexual activity at all, has no expectation of permanence, and no cohabitation—indeed the bride may never see the groom again once the marriage ritual has been performed. But since divorce is not permitted in this system, the stability of these marriages must be exemplary, according to the anthropological surveys.
As these examples show, many qualities considered essential components of marriage in contemporary Western usage are anything but universal: sexual exclusivity, property exchange, even the intention to stay together for long. None of these are expected in many of the relationships evolutionary psychologists and anthropologists insist on calling marriage.
Now consider the confusion created by the words