Stalin remained at the gathering of propagandists, where his frustrations had been building daily, and on October 1, the concluding day, he vented in a lengthy soliloquy. “Comrades, I thought that the assembled comrades would help the Central Committee and furnish some serious criticism,” he remarked. “Unfortunately, I must say that the criticism turned out to be not serious, not deep, and straight-out unsatisfactory in places.” He condemned the complaints that this or that fact was missing from the text, when the point was to capture the general tendency. “He who would study Leninism and Lenin should study Marx and Engels,” he reiterated. “Lenin arrived at new thoughts because he stood on the shoulders of Marx and Engels.” Stalin narrated the entire history of the party, in detail, from origins, like an agitator of the first rank. He could also turn playful. “It’s often asked: What’s the deal? Marx and Engels said that as soon as proletarian power is established and nationalizes the means of production, the state should wither. What the hell? It does not wither? Its death is overdue. We’ve lived twenty years, the means of production have been nationalized, and you don’t want to wither. (Laughter.)” In fact, he explained, no one had foreseen that the revolution would give birth to a new form of power. “Of course, the Petersburg proletariat, when they created soviets [of people’s deputies], did not think that they were conducting a turnabout in Marxist theory about the specific forms of the dictatorship of the proletariat. They just wanted to defend themselves against tsarism.” In The Communist Manifesto, which Stalin deemed “one of the best if not the best writing of Marx and Engels,” the founders had based their view of the state on the two months of the Paris Commune. “An experience of two months!” What would they have said, he asked, if they could study the twenty years of Soviet power?
Stalin had been wrestling with the problem of the state under socialism throughout the terror. Now he enumerated the state’s functions: maximizing production and military defense by mobilizing the country’s resources. Only a professional army, he pointed out, could stand up to the armies of the capitalists.119 He made clear that success could not be guaranteed by his leadership alone, or by the 3,000 or so officials who composed what he called the “general staff” of the party-state. “Do not think that governing a country means just writing directives,” he reiterated. “Bollocks. To govern means to do things for real, to be able to carry out the resolutions in practice, and even sometimes to improve the resolutions if they are bad.” In other words, reading the Short Course was going to facilitate handling the confounding challenges of planning and running an entire industrial economy, the complicated operations and logistics of preparing a gigantic army for battle, ensuring that every school building and schoolchild was ready for the school year or graduation. “We need to direct this book to that intelligentsia, in order to give party members and non-party members, who are not worse than party members, the opportunity to acquire knowledge and raise their horizon, their political level. . . . That’s everything. (Rousing applause. Shouts: Hurrah to the Wise Stalin.)”120
Pravda (October 1, 1938) had directed its wrath over Czechoslovakia at Poland, predicting a new Polish partition (it was “well known that the German fascists have long been keen on some parts of Poland”). In fact, that very day, the government in Warsaw delivered an ultimatum, with a twenty-four-hour deadline, to Czechoslovakia to hand over two thirds of that country’s partially ethnic Polish territory in coal-rich Silesia known as Těšín (Cieszyn) and Fryštát (Freistadt); Prague capitulated, rendering a Polish attack unnecessary.121 “An exceptionally bold action carried out in brilliant fashion,” Göring enthused to the Polish ambassador. The Polish envoy in Germany imagined “that our step was deemed here such an expression of great strength and independent action that it is a true guarantee of our good relations with the government of the Reich.”122 Stalin knew that Poland’s 1938 war games had been defensive in character, but the collusion in Czechoslovakia’s dismemberment, in his thinking, put Poland on a plane with Nazi Germany.123 Poland had ignored Soviet warnings, although the Polish ambassador to Moscow reassured the Soviets that “the guiding line of Polish foreign policy is the status quo: nothing with Germany against the USSR and nothing with the USSR against Germany.”124 Still, the Soviets let it be known that the Poles were engaged in a dangerous game: there were more than 6 million Ukrainians and 2 million Belorussians in Poland.
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