191. DGFP, series C, II: 421–2; Reichgesetzblatt, 1934, II: 118–9 (German and Polish originals); Ahmann, Nichtangriffspakte, 310–25, 255–342; Niclauss, Die Sowjetunion, 151–63; Wandycz, Twilight of French Eastern Alliances, 300–35; Cienciala, “Declaration of Non-Aggression”; Ken and Rusapov, Politbiuro Tsk VKP (b) i otnosheniia SSSR, 62–3; Haslam, Struggle for Collective Security, 14, 20–1; Beck, Final Report, 31–2. For the public Soviet reaction: Izvestiia and Pravda, Jan. 29, 1934.
192. Cienciala, “Polish Foreign Policy,” 44–59; Cienciala, “Foreign Policy of Józef Piłsudski.”
193. Wandycz, “Polish Foreign Policy: Some Observations,” citing Louis Eisenmann, “La Question de Teschen.” La Vie des peoples, I, 1920: 837. While Piłsudski had tried to diminish the Russian menace by carving out a quasi-federation of states in the east centered on an independent Ukraine, his nemesis Dmowski had pushed for annexations. Both had failed.
194. The French embassy in Warsaw seems to have submitted nothing to Paris between Dec. 21 and Jan. 26: DDF, 1e série, VII: 907–10.
195. Laroche, La Pologne de Pilsudski, 138–45; Weinberg, Foreign Policy, I: 169–72; Steiner, Triumph of the Dark, 63.
196. Gasiorowski, “German-Polish Nonaggression Pact of 1934,” 27; Cienciala, review of La Décadence, 539; Pohle, Der Rundfunk, 397–8. The perceptive French ambassador in Washington ventured to the Americans that Germany wanted a short period of peace to strengthen itself for eventual European domination. Weinberg, Foreign Policy, I: 73 (citing State 760c.6212/10: undersecretary Phillips on conversation with de Laboulaye, Jan. 27, 1934).
197. Radek had argued to Stalin that while France was seeking to align with Germany, France’s ally Poland could be wooed away and promised a Soviet-Polish pact against Germany founded on Polish desires for a free hand in independent Lithuania and perhaps Danzig. Alarmingly for Moscow, however, in mid-Nov. 1933, Hitler and the new Polish ambassador Józef Lipski issued an odd public joint communiqué, vaguely implying (or maybe not) the possibility of a nonaggression pact. On Nov. 27, Piłsudski secretly received a concrete German proposal, which he sat on for some time.
198. This occurred on Dec. 20, 1933, at the sixteenth anniversary commemoration of the Cheka’s founding. Gorbunov, “Voennaia razvedka v 1934–1939 godakh” (no. 2), 103. Artuzov was said to have recruited Polish agents as double agents as far back as 1920, including the Riga-born, Moscow University–educated Ignay Sosnowski (Dobrzynski), who worked for the intelligence department of the Polish general staff. Pogonii, Lubianka 2, 175–9. See also Tumshis and Papchinskii, 1937, 445–51 (citing Artuzov’s letter to Yezhov, March 22, 1937); and Kolpakidi and Prokhorov, Imperiia GRU, I: 205–7. Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Soviet envoy in Warsaw, had written shrewdly to Stomonyakov in Moscow that the Polish government had never believed an alliance with France or the Little Entente would guarantee its security against Germany. “You will be in all the combinations,” one Polish contact told him, “but we?” Still, Antonov-Ovseyenko had been taken in by Polish assurances that there were no negotiations under way with Germany. Dokumenty o materialy po istorii sovetsko-pol’skikh otnoshenii, VI: 112–6 (Nov. 29, 1933).
199. Yegorov, chief of the general staff, was urging Twardowski, “Change your policy and everything will be all right again.” DGFP, series C, II: 338–9 (Jan. 11, 1934), 352–3 (Jan. 13), 376–9 (Jan. 17). See also Hilger and Meyer, Incompatible Allies, 271; and Tucker, Stalin in Power, 256–60. Nadolny, in reference to Stalin’s Jan. 26 speech, noted its “calm tone and matter-of-factness,” especially compared with Litvinov, and suggested the Germans make an acknowledgment. Hitler mentioned Stalin’s speech in his own speech to the Reichstag (Jan. 30). DGFP, series C, II: 435–6 (Jan. 29, 1934); Baynes, Speeches of Adolf Hitler, II: 1151–71; Völkischer Beobachter, Jan. 31, 1934. Nadolny, after arguing with Hitler, who blocked his efforts to attain a rapprochement, would resign on June 16, 1934. He would be succeeded by Count Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg. “The German Foreign Office,” in Craig and Gilbert, Diplomats, 417–8; Weinberg, Foreign Policy, I: 180–3.
200. Shore, “Hitler’s Opening Gambit.”
