91. Paxton, Vichy France, 43; Lukacs, Duel, 160–5. Maisky also claimed to have been received by Churchill at 10 Downing Street on July 3. Maisky, Memoirs of a Soviet Ambassador, 96–100.
92. “The ‘Vienna to Versailles’ period has run its course,” wrote the Polish-born British historian Lewis Namier in Feb. 1940. “The first task is to save Europe from the Nazi onslaught—a difficult task; but even greater will be the work of resettling a morally and materially bankrupt world on a new basis.” Namier, “From Vienna to Versailles,” 17–8.
93. On the Baltics as a sticking point for Britain, see Henderson, Failure of a Mission, 251.
94. A corrective, in domestic political terms, to those who see a gulf between the two Conservatives, Churchill and Chamberlain, can be found in Lawlor, Churchill and the Politics of War, 88–111.
95. “Russia and the West,” The Economist, July 27, 1940: 113.
96. Lukacs, Duel, 72–7, 184–6, 207–10; Maiskii, Dnevnik diplomata, II/i (Dec. 29, 1940: Lloyd George surmise).
97. Amid rumors of a Soviet-British rapprochement, Schulenburg reported that Stalin remained loyal to Berlin and only wanted some tin and rubber from Britain. Sontag and Beddie, Nazi-Soviet Relations, 142–3.
98. Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion, 38 (citing APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 435, l. 39–51: Proskurov to Stalin, June 4, 1940).
99. DVP SSSR, XXIII/i: 399 (AVP RF, f. 059, op. 1, pap. 326, d. 2238, l. 149–51: July 13, 1940); DGFP, series D, X: 207–8 (Schulenburg to Ribbentrop, July 13,1940); Sontag and Beddie, Nazi-Soviet Relations, 166–8; Teske, General Ernst Köstring, 258–60.
100. Back in Feb. 1940, German violations of Soviet airspace had drawn fire, and the intruders turned tail. On March 17, thirty-two German fighters and bombers entered Soviet airspace on the path to Moscow, and again Soviet border guards opened fire; one German plane was hit and crashed. On March 29, Beria, following Stalin’s instructions, sent a directive to the border guards: no opening fire; airspace violations were merely to be registered. On April 5, 1940, came a further prohibition against the use of firearms anywhere on the frontier (with the inflow of diversionists, the order was sometimes ignored). A June 10, 1940, border convention specified that any plane crossing the border accidentally was to be returned. Pogranichnye voiska SSSR, 1939–iuin’ 1941, 292; Sechkin, Granitsa i voina, 53–5 (citing TsAPV, f. 14, op. 224, d. 110, l. 1, 17, 21).
101. Halder, Halder Diaries, I: 490 (July 3, 1940); Halder, Kriegstagebuch, II: 6-7.
102. This was before, it turned out, secret feasibility studies had even been completed by the Wehrmacht. Alt, “Die Wehrmacht im Kalkül Stalins,” 107–9; Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, 90–2.
103. Golovanov, Zapiski komanduiushchego ADD, 299. In the 1920s, Shaposhnikov, along with the Voroshilovs and Mikoyans, had used the dacha Zubalovo-2 when Stalin and his wife Nadzezhda used the dacha Zubalovo-4 next door. Alliluyeva, Twenty Letters, 27.
104. Zolotarev, Russkii arkhiv: Velikaia otechestvennaia, XVIII (VII/i): 86 (RGVA, f. 40442, op. 2, d. 170, l. 112).
105. A. M. Vasilevskii, “Nakanune voiny,” 5–8 (citing TsAMO, f. 16, op. 2951, d. 239, l. 1–37, l. 197–244: Sept. 18, 1940), (d. 242, l. 84–90: Oct. 5), d. 239, l. 245–77 (not later than Dec.).
106. Pavlov, Anastas Mikoian, 125 (citing RGASPI, f. 84, op. 1, d. 15, l. 82).
107. Ogonek, Sept. 1940, Jan. 1941.
108. Woodward, British Foreign Policy, I: 487–500. See also Weinberg, World at Arms, 164. “Cripps argues that we must give everything—recognition, gold, ships and trust to the Russians,” Cadogan wrote in his diary (Aug. 17, 1940): “This is simply silly . . . Extraordinary how we go on kidding ourselves. Russian policy will change exactly when and if they think it will suit them. And if they do think that, it won’t matter whether we’ve kicked Maisky in the stomach. Contrariwise, we could give Maisky the Garter and it wouldn’t make a penn’orth of difference.” Dilks, Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan, 321.
