73. “Predel’nye stavki platy za sdavaemye v naem zhilye i dachnye pomeshcheniia v domakh i dachakh, prinadlezhashchikh grazhdanam na prave lichnoi sobstvennosti,” SZ, no. 11 (1963), 89.

74. See cartoon “Levyi povorot,” Kr, no. 29 (1962), 12; and Kr, no. 10 (1966), 11.

75. See Z. A. Fedotovskaia, “Sudebnaia praktika po delam ob iz"iatii u grazhdan stroenii, vozvedennykh imi na netrudovye dokhody libo ispol’zuemykh dlia izvlecheniia netrudovykh dokhodov,” in Nauchnyi kommentarn sudebttoipraktiki za 1963 god, ed. I. Sediugin (Moscow, 1965).

76. Of course, one needs to distinguish between the forms and the consequences of public discourse. By Khrushchev’s time, the threat of physical violence that lay (not very far) behind the discourse of the 1930s had substantially been removed.

77. See К. B. Iaroshenko, “Spory о prave na chlenstvo v zhilishchno-stroitel’nykh i dachno-stroitel’nykh kooperativakh,” in Kommentarii sudebnoi praktiki za 1975 god, ed. E.V. Boldyreva and A. I. Pergament (Moscow, 1976).

78. This apt oxymoron is borrowed from D. Crowley and S. Reid, “Style and Socialism: Modernity and Material Culture in Post-War Eastern Europe,” in these authors’ edited volume of the same title (Oxford, 2000), 12.

79. N. Mar, “Dlia sebia, detei i vnukov,” and A. Spektorov and E. Veltistov, “Pauki,” Ogonek, no. 32 (1959), 27, 30–31

80. L. Libedinskaia, Zelenaia lampa: Vospominaniia (Moscow, 1966), 360. For a fictional work in which the dacha of a Soviet artist becomes a symbol of its owner’s moral cowardice, see G. Shergova, “Zakolochennye dachi,” Novyi mir, no. 3 (1978), 68–96.

81. In the standard Soviet account of the dacha (located in Tver’ oblast), the prerevolutionary tradition was held to have inspired Soviet artists in their “realistic” evocations of the popular spirit (narodnost’): see I. Romanycheva, Akademicheskaia dacha (Leningrad, 1975).

82. Libedinskaia, Zelenaia lampa, 355.

83. V. Kaverin, Epilog: Memuary (Moscow, 1989), 256 and 358, respectively.

84. V. Kataev, “Peredelkino” (1984), in his Sobranie sochinenii v desiati tomakh (Moscow, 1983–86), 10:458.

85. A brief account on the condition of Peredelkino in August 1942 was given by L.N. Seifullina (her letter is reproduced in Ivanova, Моi sovremenniki, 131–32). The Ivanovs’ dacha had burned to the ground in the same year, apparently because an iron had been left on by one of the temporary occupants.

86. One must assume that informal sociability of this kind played an important role in dacha communities other than Peredelkino—in settlements for the government and Party elite, for example. The advantage of Peredelkino for the historian is that its inhabitants left a plentiful supply of memoirs.

87. Fadeev dropped in unexpectedly on Zabolotskii in 1946 and initiated a serious literary discussion (Life of Zabolotsky, 245). Tamara Ivanova’s memoirs emphasize his neighborliness (Moi sovremenniki, 376–89). Kaverin describes Fadeev suddenly summoning him for a walk around Peredelkino in 1955 and hinting at some of his worries (Epilog, 308–11). Vsevolod Ivanov’s son, Viacheslav, recalled hearing the pistol shot of Fadeev’s suicide a year later as he sat working in his family’s dacha: see his memoir “Goluboi zver’,” Zvezda, no. 1 (1995), 191.

88. See K. Paustovskii, “Pustaia dacha,” in his Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh (Moscow, 1981–86), 6:372–77, and A. Bitov, “Zhizn’ v vetrenuiu pogodu,” in his Imperiia v chetyrekh izmereniiakh (Moscow, 1996), 1:99–128.

89. Trifonov, “Drugaia zhizn’,” in his Sobranie sochinenii, 2:281–89.

90. L. Chukovskaia, Zapiski ob Anne Akhmatovoi (Moscow, 1997), 2:358 (Aliger) and 2:135 (Pasternak). Further material is provided by Akhmatova’s Komarovo neighbor Lev Druskin in his Spasennaia kniga: Vospominaniia leningradskogo poeta (London, 1984).

91. Io. Brodskii, “Kelomiakki,” in his Uraniia (Ann Arbor, 1987), 140–44.

92. A. Galich, Songs and Poems, trans. G.S. Smith (Ann Arbor, 1983), 105.

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