The most divergent information, and sometimes the most contradictory, flowed in concerning the new military administration. General Köstring was setting up his offices in Voroshilovsk. He was an already elderly officer, called back from retirement, but my informants at the Abwehr claimed that he was still vigorous, and called him the Wise Marabu. He had been born in Moscow, had led the German military mission to Hetman Skoropadsky in Kiev in 1918, and had served twice as military attaché to our embassy in Moscow: he was seen as one of the best German experts on Russia. Oberst von Gilsa arranged an interview for me with the new representative of the Ostministerium to Köstring’s office, a former consul in Tiflis, Dr. Otto Bräutigam. With his round wire-rimmed glasses, his starched collar, and his light brown uniform displaying the Party’s Gold Badge, I found him a bit stiff; he remained distant, almost cold, but gave me a better impression than most of the Goldfasanen. Gilsa had explained to me that he had an important position at the political department in the ministry. “I’m pleased to meet you,” I said to him as I shook his hand. “Perhaps you can finally bring us some clarifications.”—“I met Brigadeführer Korsemann in Voroshilovsk and I had a long conversation with him. Was the Einsatzgruppe not informed?”—“Oh, of course! But if you have a few minutes, I’d be delighted to speak with you, since these questions interest me greatly.” I led Bräutigam to my office and offered him a drink; he politely refused. “The Ostministerium must have been disappointed by the Führer’s decision to suspend the establishment of the Reichskommissariat, I imagine?” I began.—“Not at all. On the contrary, we think the Führer’s decision is a unique opportunity to correct the disastrous policies we are carrying out in this country.”—“How do you mean?”—“You must realize that the two Reichskommissars now in place were appointed without Minister Rosenberg’s being consulted, and that the Ostministerium exercises almost no control over them. So it’s not our fault if Gauleiters Koch and Lohse do exactly as they please; responsibility falls on those who support them. It’s their thoughtless and aberrant policies that have earned the ministry its reputation as the Chaostministerium.” I smiled; but he remained serious.—“In fact,” I said, “I spent a year in the Ukraine, and Reichskommissar Koch’s policies caused quite a few problems for us. You could say that he was a very good recruiter for the partisans.”—“Just like Gauleiter Sauckel and his slave-hunters. That’s what we want to avoid here. Don’t you see, if we treat the Caucasian tribes as we treated the Ukrainians, they’ll rise and take to the mountains. Then we’ll never be finished with them. Last century, the Russians spent thirty years trying to make the imam Shamil submit. There were only a few thousand rebels; to crush them, the Russians had to deploy up to three hundred and fifty thousand soldiers!” He paused and went on: “Minister Rosenberg, along with the political department of the ministry, has since the beginning of the campaign argued in favor of a clear political stance: only an alliance with the peoples of the East oppressed by the Bolsheviks will allow Germany to crush the Stalin system once and for all. Until now, this strategy, this Ostpolitik if you like, hasn’t been accepted; the Führer has always supported the people who think Germany can carry out this task all by itself, repressing the peoples it should be liberating. The Reichskommissar-designate Schickendanz, despite his old friendship with the minister, also seems to be going along with this. But there are cool heads in the Wehrmacht, especially Generalquartiermeister Wagner, who wanted to avoid a repetition in the Caucasus of the Ukrainian disaster. Their solution, to keep the region under military control, seems good to us, all the more so since General Wagner expressly insisted on involving the most clearsighted elements of the ministry, as my presence here proves. For us as for the Wehrmacht, it’s a unique opportunity to demonstrate that the Ostpolitik is the only valid one; if we succeed here, we might have the possibility of repairing the harm done in the Ukraine and in Ostland.”—“So the stakes are considerable,” I noted.—“Yes.”—“And hasn’t the Reichskommissar-designate Schickedanz been upset at finding himself sidelined in this way? He too has some support.” Bräutigam made a scornful gesture with his hand; his eyes were gleaming behind his glasses: “No one asked his opinion. In any case, the Reichskommissar-designate Schickedanz is much too busy studying the sketches of his future palace in Tiflis, and discussing the number of gates with his deputies, to worry about practical matters in the way we must.”—“I see.” I thought for an instant: “One more question. How do you see the role of the SS and the SP in this arrangement?”—“The Sicherheitspolizei of course has important tasks to carry out. But they should be coordinated with the Army Group and the military administration in order not to interfere with the positive initiatives. In plain language, as I suggested to Brigadeführer Korsemann, we’ll have to show a certain delicacy in our relations with the mountain and Cossack minorities. There are elements among them, in fact, who collaborated with the Communists, but out of nationalism rather than out of Bolshevist conviction, to defend the interests of their people. It’s not a question of automatically treating them like Commissars or Stalinist functionaries.”—“And what do you think of the Jewish problem?” He raised his hand: “That’s another thing entirely. It’s clear that the Jewish population remains one of the main supports of the Bolshevist system.” He got up to take his leave. “Thank you for taking the time to speak with me,” I said as I shook his hand on the steps.—“Not at all. I think it’s very important that we keep up good relations with the SS as well as with the Wehrmacht. The better you understand what we want to do here, the better things will go.”—“You can be sure that I’ll make that clear in my report to my superiors.”—“Very good! Here’s my card. Heil Hitler!”
