*The New York Times, December 14, 1911, p. 1. This action was denounced in some Russian circles as intolerable interference in Russia’s internal affairs, and by a German conservative newspaper as reflective of the “parvenu spirit that rules not only American society but American politics”: Ibid., p. 2.
*The SD deputies, tried after the dissolution of the Duma, when their parliamentary immunity had expired, were convicted and sentenced to hard labor: P. G. Kurlov, Gibel’ Imperatorskoi Rossii (Berlin, 1923), 94.
*When told by Kokovtsov that this was an unwise move and that he would do better to accept the Tsar’s suggestions, Stolypin replied that he had no time to fight intrigues against him and was politically finished in any event: V. N. Kokovtsov, Iz moego proshlogo, I (Paris, 1933), 458; A. Ia. Avrekh, Stolypin i TretHa Duma (Moscow, 1968), 338.
†Trepov was taken prisoner by the Bolsheviks and executed along with many other hostages at Kronshtadt on July 22, 1918: Kokovtsov, Iz moego proshlogo, I, 462. Durnovo died in 1915.
*Kryzhanovskii Archive, Columbia University, Box 2, File 5. Kryzhanovskii carried out Stolypin’s request, saving only his letters to the Tsar: Ibid. Stolypin’s fear of being assassinated in Kiev may have been occasioned by the disinformation which his future killer supplied to the Okhrana, as described below.
*A postmortem revealed that Stolypin’s heart and liver were so diseased that he would probably have died of natural causes before long: G. Tokmakoff, P. A. Stolypin and the Third Duma (Washington, D.C., 1981), 207–8.
†B. Strumillo in KL, No. 1/10 (1924), 230. In his fictional account of these events, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn attributes Bogrov’s action to the desire to protect Jewish interests allegedly threatened by Stolypin’s ideal of a “Great Russia.” Solzhenitsyn thus “reconstructs” Bogrov’s thinking: “Stolypin had done nothing directly against the Jews; he has even succeeded in easing their lot somewhat. But this was not sincere. One must know how to identify an enemy of the Jews more deeply than from appearances. Stolypin promotes too insistently, too openly, too provocatively Russian national interests, Russian representation in the Duma, the Russian state. He is building, not a country free to all, but a national monarchy. Thus, the future of Jews in Russia depends on the will of someone who is not their friend. Stolypin’s development does not promise prosperity to Jews.” (A. Solzhenitsyn, Krasnoe koleso, Uzel I: Avgust Chetyrnadtsogo, Part 2, Paris, 1983, 126). There is no evidence to support this interpretation. Quite the contrary. Bogrov, who came from a thoroughly assimilated family (his grandfather had converted to Orthodox Christianity and his father belonged to the Kievan Nobles’ Club), was a Jew only in the biological (“racial”) sense. Even his given name, which Solzhenitsyn chooses to be the Yiddish “Mordko,” was the very Russian Dmitrii. In his depositions to the police, Bogrov stated that he had shot Stolypin because his reactionary policies had brought great harm to Russia. In a farewell letter to his parents written on the day of the murder, he explained that he was unable to lead the normal life which they had expected of him (A. Serebrennikov, Ubiistvo Stolypina: Svidetel’stva i dokumenty (New York, 1986), 161–62). The most likely source of the claim that Bogrov acted as a Jew and on behalf of Jewish interests is a false report in the right-wing daily, Novoe vremia, of September 13, 1911, that prior to his execution Bogrov told a rabbi he had “struggled for the welfare and happiness of the Jewish people” (Serebrennikov, loc.cit., 22). In reality, he had refused to see a rabbi before his execution (Rech’, September 13, 1911, itv Serebrennikov, loccit., 23–24.)
*“Most strikes … arise in organized trades and industries. As trade unionism spreads to previously unorganized industries, it is often accompanied by strike waves”: J. A. Fitch in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, XIV (New York, 1934), 420. A similar conclusion is drawn, on the basis of U.S. experience, by J. I. Griffin in Strikes (New York, 1939), 98.
6
Russia at War
