The relationship between the two organs of authority was symbolized by their respective locales. The Soviet and its Executive elbowed their way into Taurida Palace, the seat of the Duma and the center of opposition under tsarism. The Provisional Government installed itself first in Mariinskii Palace, the seat of the Imperial Council of Ministers, and in July moved to the Winter Palace, a tsarist residence.*
The Ispolkom legislated in every field of activity. Yielding to the pressure of workers, it decreed an eight-hour working day in all enterprises, including those working for defense. On March 3 it ordered the arrest of members of the Imperial dynasty, not excepting Nikolai Nikolaevich, the designated Commander in Chief.161 The logic of its self-assigned role as the organ of “democratic control” over the “bourgeoisie” quickly led the Ispolkom to adopt repressive measures reminiscent of the worst days of tsarism. Thus, on March 3, it “authorized” the postal and telegraphic services to function, but subject to “surveillance” by Soviet organs.162 Press censorship followed. On March 5, the Ispolkom ordered the closing of all publications of a “Black Hundred” orientation, including the right-wing daily
The Ispolkom continued to bureaucratize. As early as March 3, it created a network of “commissions” to deal with pressing problems, such as food supply, railroads, post and telegraphs, and finances—a regular shadow government that duplicated and, through duplication, controlled the operations of the government. The principal institution serving this purpose was the “Contact Commission” of five socialist intellectuals (N. S. Chkheidze, M. I. Skobelev, Iu. M. Steklov, N. N. Sukhanov, and V. N. Filippovskii) created on March 7. Its task was to “inform the Soviet of the intentions and actions of the Provisional Government and the latter about the demands of the revolutionary people, to exert pressure on the government to satisfy all these demands, and to exercise uninterrupted control over their implementation.”166 Thus, by a verbal sleight of hand, the wishes of a body of intellectuals appointed by the socialist parties became the wishes of the “revolutionary people.” According to Miliukov, initially the government satisfied all the demands of the Contact Commission. Tsereteli concurred, declaring in late March that “there were no instances when, on matters of importance, the Provisional Government did not seek agreement” with the Contact Commission.167 To make certain this practice continued, on April 21 the Ispolkom asked the Provisional Government to make no “major” political moves without informing it beforehand.168
For reasons stated, the Ispolkom paid particular attention to the armed forces. “To facilitate contact,” on March 19 it appointed commissars to the Ministry of War, the Army headquarters, and the headquarters of the diverse fronts and fleets. These commissars were to follow instructions sent them by the Ispolkom. In the front-line zone, no orders issued by the military were to go into effect without prior approval of the Ispolkom and its commissars. The latter helped to resolve disputes that arose within the armed forces and between the military command and the civilian population in or near the combat zone. The Minister of War directed the military commanders to assist the Soviet commissars in executing their duties.169
The Ispolkom kept on expanding. On April 8 nine representatives (all SRs and Mensheviks) from the Soldiers’ Section were added to the ten already in the Ispolkom: they were the first elected members of that body. The ten previously appointed members were reelected: no Bolshevik won a seat. The representatives of the Workers’ Section were handpicked by the Menshevik, Bolshevik, and SR parties.170
