90 “No Improvement in Russian Economy without Land Reform—Yeltsin,” http://news/bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/monitoring/42632.stm.

91 In sequential ballots, the code went from 213 votes in favor to 220 and then to 225, one short of the 226 needed for passage. The Duma determined on July 17 to postpone further consideration.

92 David E. Hoffman, The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia (New York: PublicAffairs, 2002), 385. The best accounts of the Svyazinvest auction and the surrounding controversy are to be found in that book and in Chrystia Freeland, Sale of the Century: Russia’s Wild Ride from Communism to Capitalism (Toronto: Doubleday, 2000), chap. 12.

93 “After the last presidential election, in 1996, the oligarchs captured Yeltsin, his successive governments, and the political process.” Lee S. Wolosky, “Putin’s Plutocrat Problem,” Foreign Affairs 79 (March–April 2000), 25. See more broadly Joel S. Hellman, Geraint Jones, and Daniel Kaufmann, “Seize the State, Seize the Day”: State Capture, Corruption, and Influence in Transition, Policy Research Working Paper 2444 (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2000), 1.

94 Author’s interviews with Khodorkovskii (June 7, 2001), Fridman (September 21, 2001), and Potanin.

95 Yeltsin’s capacity in principle to dictate the terms was mentioned by every businessman I spoke to about 1996, and was especially stressed by Khodorkovskii, who felt Yeltsin was at first affronted by their offer. Yeltsin in his memoirs (Marafon, 103) emphasizes that the oligarchs took the initiative. “No one asked them, and there were no obligations incurred to anyone. They came to me not to defend Yeltsin but to defend their own businesses.”

96 Second Nemtsov interview.

97 The purpose of Dyachenko’s call was to inquire about the status of Yelena Masyuk, an NTV correspondent, and two crew members, who were kidnapped by a splinter group in Chechnya in May; NTV was to pay ransom for their release several weeks later. Berezovskii, speaking as deputy secretary of the Security Council, assured her that everything possible was being done to save them. The record of the conversation, “Zapis’ telefonnogo razgovora Borisa Berezovskogo s docher’yu Yel’tsina—Tat’yanoi D’yachenko” (Transcript of a telephone conversation between Boris Berezovskii and Yeltsin’s daughter, Tatyana Dyachenko), was leaked in June 1999. It is available at http://www.compromat.ru/main/berezovskiy/dyachenko.htm.

98 Berezovskii called her Tanya and, at one point, Tanyusha, a double diminutive. She called him Boris Abramovich and “you” in the second person plural, and also referred to third parties by name and patronymic.

99 Berezovskii admitted that he personally had not declared all his income and capital on his tax returns. Dyachenko seemed to accept his point that concealment would continue to be widespread. In that case, though, businessmen “should pay more on the basis of their declared capital,” that is, pay at a higher rate and on time.

100 Ul’yan Kerzonov, “Anatolii Chubais stremitsya k polnomy kontrolyu nad Rossiyei” (Anatolii Chubais is striving for complete control over Russia), Nezavisimaya gazeta, September 13, 1997. It was widely believed that Kerzonov was a pseudonym for Berezovskii. I heard of the role of the article in my third interview with Yumashev.

101 Potanin interview. I interviewed two other oligarchs who were present, Fridman and Khodorkovskii, and both shared his puzzlement.

102 His comments to Chubais and Nemtsov are related in “Boris Nemtsov—Yevgenii Al’bats o Yel’tsine.”

103 One of the authors, Al’fred Kokh, had been dismissed in August in connection with another scandal. Aleksandr Kazakov, Maksim Boiko, and Pëtr Mostovoi were fired in November. Hoffman (Oligarchs, 304) presents evidence that the book project was a device for transferring leftover funds from the 1996 campaign.

104 Yel’tsin, Marafon, 111.

105 Ibid., 104.

106 Second Nemtsov interview. As Pëtr Aven of Alpha Group put it, “There was a not very explicit but, I would say, implicit understanding that . . . you help us and we’ll help you.” Aven, interview with the author (May 29, 2001).

107 Hoffman, Oligarchs, 386.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

1 Quotations from Boris Yel’tsin, Prezidentskii marafon (Presidential marathon) (Moscow: AST, 2000), 113, 119, 118.

2 Ibid., 118.

3 Yu, M. Baturin et al., Epokha Yel’tsina: ocherki politicheskoi istorii (The Yeltsin epoch: essays in political history) (Moscow: VAGRIUS, 2001), 778–79; Georgii Satarov, first interview with the author (June 5, 2000).

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