status within the British Commonwealth than as a republic, offering as an example the

insecure position of the Transvaal before 1895 in contrast with its happy condition after

1909. He said in conclusion, "Make no mistake about it, you have more privilege, more

power, more peace, more security in such a sisterhood of equal nations than in a small,

nervous republic having all the time to rely on goodwill, and perhaps the assistance, of

foreigners. What sort of independence do you call that? By comparison with real

independence it is a shadow. You sell the fact for the name." Smuts felt that his argument

was having an effect on Arthur Griffith and some others, but de Valera remained

suspicious, and Erskine Childers was "positively hostile." Nevertheless, the Irish decided

to open negotiations with London, and Smuts promised to arrange an armistice. The

armistice went into effect on 11 July 1921, and three days later the conference began.

The Irish Conference of 1921 was held in two sessions: a week in July and a series of

meetings from 11 October to 6 December 1921. The secretary to the conference was

Lionel Curtis, who resigned his editorship of The Round Table for the purpose and

remained as chief adviser on Irish affairs to the Colonial Office for the next three years.

As a result of the conference, the Irish moderates negotiated the Articles of Agreement of

6 December 1921. De Valera had refused to form part of the Irish delegation at the

second session of the conference, and refused to accept Dominion status, although Smuts

begged him to do so in a letter published in The Times on 15 August.

As a result of the Articles of Agreement of December 1921 and the Irish Free State

Act of March 1922, Southern Ireland became an independent Dominion within the

British Commonwealth. Its boundary with Northern Ireland was to be settled by a

Boundary Commission of three members representing the three interested parties. On this

commission, Richard Feetham of the Milner Group was the British member and also

chairman.

The subsequent revolt of de Valera and the Irish Republicans against the Free State

government, and the ultimate victory of their ideas, is not part of our story. It was a

development which the Milner Group were powerless to prevent. They continued to

believe that the Irish, like others, could be bound to Britain by invisible ties if all visible

ones were destroyed. This extraordinary belief, admirable as it was, had its basis in a

profoundly Christian outlook and, like appeasement of Hitler, self-government for India,

or the Statute of Westminister, had its ultimate roots in the Sermon on the Mount.

Unfortunately, such Christian tactics were acutely dangerous in a non-Christian world,

and in this respect the Irish were only moderately different from Hitler.

The Milner Group's reward for their concessions to Ireland was not to be obtained in

this world. This became clear during the Second World War, when the inability of the

British to use Irish naval bases against German submarines had fatal consequences for

many gallant British seamen. These bases had been retained for Britain as a result of the

agreement of 1922 but were surrendered to the Irish on 25 April 1938, just when Hitler's

threat to Britain was becoming acute. The Round Table of June 1938 welcomed this

surrender, saying: "The defence of the Irish coast, as John Redmond vainly urged in

1914, should be primarily a matter for Irishmen."

As the official links between Eire and Britain were slowly severed, the Croup made

every effort to continue unofficial relationships such as those through the Irish Institute of

International Affairs and the unofficial British Commonwealth relations conference,

which had Irish members in 1938.

The relationships of Britain with Egypt were also affected by the activity of the Milner

Group. The details need not detain us long. It is sufficient to state that the Egyptian

Declaration of 1922 was the result of the personal negotiations of Lord Milner in Egypt

in his capacity as Colonial Secretary. In this post his Permanent Under Secretary was Sir

George Fiddes of the Kindergarten, his Parliamentary Under Secretary was Amery, and

his chief adviser in Egypt was M. S. O. Walrond, also of the Kindergarten.

Without going into the very extensive influence which members of the Milner Group

have had on other parts of the Commonwealth (especially tropical Africa), it must be

clear that, however unsatisfactory Commonwealth relations may be to the Group now,

they nevertheless were among the chief creators of the existing system. This will appear

even more clearly when we examine their influence in the history of India.

Chapter 10—The Royal Institute of International Affairs

The Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA) is nothing but the Milner Group

"writ large." It was founded by the Group, has been consistently controlled by the Group,

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