these alone.... Political corruption, place-hunting, and party intrigue have their natural

home in small communities where attention is concentrated upon local interests. Great

public causes call into being the intellectual and moral potentialities of people.... The

phrases "national character," "national will," and "national personality" are no empty catchwords. Everyone knows that esprit de corps is not a fiction but a reality; that the

spirit animating a college or a regiment is something that cannot be measured in terms of

the private contributions of the individual members.... The people of the Empire are face

to face with a unique and an historic opportunity! It is their mission to base the policy of

a Great Empire on the foundations of freedom and law.... It remains for them to crown

the structure by the institution of a political union that shall give solidarity to the Empire

as a whole. Duty and the logic of facts alike point this goal of their endeavour.”

In this article can be found, at least implicitly, all the basic ideas of the Milner Group:

their suspicion of party politics; their emphasis on moral qualities and the cement of

common outlook for linking people together; their conviction that the British Empire is

the supreme moral achievement of man, but an achievement yet incomplete and still

unfolding; their idea that the highest moral goals are the development of personality

through devotion to duty and service under freedom and law; their neglect, even scorn,

for economic considerations; and their feeling for the urgent need to persuade others to

accept their point of view in order to allow the Empire to achieve the destiny for which

they yearn.

The Milner Group is a standing refutation of the Marxist or Leninist interpretations of

history or of imperialism. Its members were motivated only slightly by materialistic

incentives, and their imperialism was motivated not at all by the desire to preserve or

extend capitalism. On the contrary their economic ideology, in the early stages at least,

was more socialistic than Manchester in its orientation. To be sure, it was an

undemocratic kind of socialism, which was willing to make many sacrifices to the well-

being of the masses of the people but reluctant to share with these masses political power

that might allow them to seek their own well-being. This socialistic leaning was more

evident in the earlier (or Balliol) period than in the later (or New College) period, and

disappeared almost completely when Lothian and Brand replaced Esher, Grey, and

Milner at the center of the Group. Esher regarded the destruction of the middle class as

inevitable and felt that the future belonged to the workers and an administrative state. He

dedicated his book After the War (1919) to Robert Smillie, President of the Miners'

Federation, and wrote him a long letter on 5 May 1919. On 12 September of the same

year, he wrote to his son, the present Viscount Esher: "There are things that cannot be

confiscated by the Smillies and Sidney Webbs. These seem to me the real objectives."

Even earlier, Arnold Toynbee was a socialist of sorts and highly critical of the current

ideology of liberal capitalism as proclaimed by the high priests of the Manchester School.

Milner gave six lectures on socialism in Whitechapel in 1882 (published in 1931 in The

National Review). Both Toynbee and Milner worked intermittently at social service of a

mildly socialistic kind, an effort that resulted in the founding of Toynbee Hall as a

settlement house in 1884. As chairman of the board of Internal Revenue in 1892-1897,

Milner drew up Sir William Harcourt's budget, which inaugurated the inheritance tax. In

South Africa he was never moved by capitalistic motives, placing a heavy profits tax on

the output of the Rand mines to finance social improvements, and considering with

objective calm the question of nationalizing the railroads or even the mines. Both

Toynbee and Milner were early suspicious of the virtues of free trade—not, however,

because tariffs could provide high profits for industrial concerns but because tariffs and

imperial preference could link the Empire more closely into economic unity. In his later

years, Milner became increasingly radical, a development that did not fit any too well

with the conservative financial outlook of Brand, or even Hichens. As revealed in his

book Questions of the Hour (1923), Milner was a combination of technocrat and guild

socialist and objected vigorously to the orthodox financial policy of deflation, balanced

budget, gold standard, and free international exchange advocated by the Group after

1918. This orthodox policy, inspired by Brand and accepted by The Round Table after

1918, was regarded by Milner as an invitation to depression, unemployment, and the

dissipation of Britain's material and moral resources. On this point there can be no doubt

that Milner was correct. Not himself a trained economist, Milner, nevertheless, saw that

Перейти на страницу:

Поиск

Нет соединения с сервером, попробуйте зайти чуть позже