10. In 1933, the first 100,000 ‘Volksempfänger were put on the market. By the end of 1939, three and a half million had been sold, and almost three-quarters of German households possessed a wireless set. (Z. A. B. Zeman, Nazi Propaganda, Oxford, (1964), 1973, 49.)
11. See Hermann Weiß, ‘Ideologie der Freizeit im Dritten Reich. Die NS-Gemeinschaft “Kraft durch Freude”’, Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, 33 (1993), 289–303.
12. Ulrich Herbert, ‘Good Times, Bad Times: Memories of the Third Reich’, in Richard Bessel (ed.), Life in the Third Reich, Oxford, 1987, 97–110.
13. DBS, iii.308, 2 April 1936, report for March 1936.
14. See, on this point, Martin Broszat, ‘Soziale Motivation und Führer-Bindung des Nationalsozialismus’, Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte (VfZ), 18 (1970), 392–409.
15. See Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1961.
16. Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes, 2 vols., Vienna/Munich, 1918–22 (English translation published in New York, 1926). And see Michael Biddis, ‘History as Destiny: Gobineau, H. S. Chamberlain, and Spengler’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th Series, 7 (1997), 73–100, here especially 87–97.
17. See, for example, George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology. Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich, (1964), London, 1966, Part III; Detlev J. K. Peukert, Die Weimarer Republik. Krisen-jahre der Klassischen Moderne, Frankfurt am Main, 1987, especially ch.9; and Michael H. Kater, Different Drummers: Jazz in the Culture of Nazi Germany, New York/Oxford, 1992.
18. See the strains of such a mentality in Kurt Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik, 3rd edn, Munich, 1992; and the cultural framework for such thought in Peter Gay, Weimar Culture. The Outsider as Insider, (1968), London, 1988, ch.4.
19. For a reassessment of the scale of antisemitic violence during the Weimar Republic, see Dirk Walter, Antisemitische Kriminalität und Gewalt. Judenfeindschaft in der Weimarer Republik, Bonn, 1999. Donald L. Niewyk, The Jews in Weimar Germany, Baton Rouge, 1980, ch.III, emphasizes, rather, the exceptionality of violence, but the prevalence (if uneven in manifestation) of anti-Jewish prejudice. Sarah Gordon, Hitler, Germans, and the ‘Jewish Question’, Princeton, 1984, ch.1–2, also plays down the extent of anti-Jewish violence and the role of antisemitism in the rise of Nazism. Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust, New York, 1997, ch. 1–3, in a highly contentious interpretation, sees ‘eliminatory’ antisemitism as ubiquitous in Germany already in the nineteenth century and the Weimar Republic as a logical continuation and accentuation of pre-existing proto-genocidal traits widespread in German society.
20. For Hitler’s first written statement on antisemitism, in September 1919, see Eberhard Jäckel and Axel Kuhn (eds.), Hitler. Samtliche Aufzeichnungen 1905–1924, Stuttgart, 1980, 88–90.
21. See Woodruff D. Smith, The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, New York/Oxford, 1986.
22. See Dirks and Janßen, ch.1; and Karl-Heinz Janßen, ‘Politische und militärische Zielvorstel-lungen der Wehrmachtführung’, in Rolf-Dieter Müller and Hans-Erich Volkmann (eds.), Die Wehrmacht: Mythos und Realität, Munich, 1999, 75–84.
<p>CHAPTER 1: CEASELESS RADICALIZATION</p>1. See Gerhard L. Weinberg, The Foreign Policy of Hitler’s Germany, vol.i, Diplomatic Revolution in Europe, 1933–36, Chicago/London, 1970, (= Weinberg I), ch.11.
2. DGFP, C, V, 355–63, No.242; Paul Schmidt, Statist auf diplomatischer Bühne 1923–45. Erlebnisse des Chefdolmetschers im Auswärtigen Amt mit den Staatsmännern Europas, Bonn, 1953, 329–30, 332–4 (where Schmidt misdates the flight to London to present the plan to the end of April, not March); Domarus, 617–18.
3. Weinberg I, 254–7.
4. DGFP, C, V, 514, No.312; Schmidt, 334–5.
5. See Weinberg I, 272–3.
