52 Struggles within the communist party against the authoritarianism of the leaders, and against the priority they gram to the interests of the apparatus as opposed to the interests of those they represent, can clearly only reinforce the very tendencies they combat: the leaders need only mention, or even incite, political struggle, in particular against the most immediate competitors, in order to authorize an appeal to discipline - in other words, submission to the leaders - as is imposed in lime of struggle. (In this sense, the denunciation of anti-communism is an absolute weapon in the hands of those who dominate the apparatus, since it disqualifies criticism, even objectification, and imposes unity in face of outside forces,)
53 See Cohen,
9 Delegation and Political Fetishism
1 T. Hobbes,
2 See L. Jaume, 'La Theorie de la "personne furtive" dans le Leviathan de Hobbes*,
3 See G Post,
4 L Kant.
5 F* W* Nietzsche,
6 Ibid,, p. 132*
7 Ibid*, p. 133.
8 Ibid*, p* 184*
9 Ibid , p 184-5*
10 Identity and Representation: Elements for a Critical Reflection on the Idea of Region
I The difficulty of conceptualizing the economy of the symbolic in adequate terms can be seen for instance by the fact that, while managing, exceptionally, to avoid the culturalist idealism that is so much the rule in these matters, and devoting attention to the strategic manipulation of ’ethnic’ characteristics. Patterson reduces the interest he sees as being at the source of these strategies to a strictly economic interest, thus neglecting everything which, in struggles over classification, obeys the tendency to maximize symbolic profit. (See O* Patter* son, ’Context and choice in ethnic allegiance: a theoretical framework and Caribbean case study', in N. Glazer and D. P* Moynihan (eds),
2 E. Benveniste,
3 Ibid , pp 422-3*
4 Cultural difference is probably the product of a historical dialectic of cumulative differentiation. As Paul Bois has shown for peasants of the