Russia at war 1941-1945 полностью

Military Mission took the view that since the Soviet Union had no common frontier with the aggressor (sic), she could help Great Britain, France and Poland only if her troops could cross Polish territory in order to make contact with the aggressor

forces. The Poles said that they neither needed nor wanted Soviet help. Asked if

there was any truth in the Daily Herald report that, in case of war, the Soviet Union would occupy parts of Poland and also help the Poles with planes, munitions, etc., Voroshilov said No, adding: "We did not break off the talks with Britain and France because we had signed a non-aggression pact with Germany; on the

contrary, we signed this pact because, apart from anything else, the military talks with Britain and France had reached a complete deadlock."

The whole suggestion was that the Soviet Union was prepared to go to war with Nazi

Germany, but that she could not do so in view of the attitude of Britain, France and especially Poland.

During the next few days the news continued to be highly confusing—more about Polish

"defence measures", British "military preparations", about an appeal by the Slovak Premier, Mgr Tiso, asking Germany, on behalf of the Slovak population, to send troops to Slovakia, about German ships leaving American ports, and so on. On August 30 there

were only short news items about "General Mobilisation in Poland", and about Ambassador Nevile Henderson's meeting with Hitler and Ribbentrop.

It was not till August 31—i.e. one day before the German invasion of Poland—that

Molotov made a statement on the Soviet-German Pact before the Supreme Soviet. If,

only four days before, Voroshilov spoke of the breakdown of the talks with Britain and France more in sorrow than in anger, Molotov started that day on his series of anti-French and anti-British speeches, with lasting co-existence with Nazi Germany as their keynote.

Since the 3rd Session of the Supreme Soviet, he said, the international situation had shown no turn for the better, either in Europe or in the Far East. The talks with Britain and France had gone on since April, i.e. for four months, and they had led to nothing.

Poland had made any agreement impossible, and, in her negative attitude, Poland had been supported by Britain. He then ridiculed the British and French military missions who had come to Moscow without any powers or credentials; the whole thing "wasn't serious". Then came his monumental defence of the Soviet-German Pact:

We all know that since the Nazis came to power, relations between the Soviet Union and Germany have been strained. But we need not dwell on these differences; they

are sufficiently familiar to you anyway, Comrades Deputies.

But, as Comrade Stalin said on March 10, "we are in favour of business relations with all nations"; and it seems that, in Germany, they understood Comrade Stalin's statement correctly, and drew the right conclusions.

August 23 must be regarded as a date of great historic importance. It is a turning point in the history of Europe, and not only Europe.

Only recently the German Nazis conducted a foreign policy which was essentially

hostile to the Soviet Union. Yes, until recently, in the realm of foreign policy, the Soviet Union and Germany were enemies. The situation has now changed, and we