“I believe you heard correctly, Comrade Ambassador,” Foreign Minister Zhou said through his interpreter. “We wish to turn over control of the Nansha Islands to Vietnam. We will surrender all interests we currently hold in the islands to you for a period of ninety-nine years, after which time we will agree to enter into negotiations for outright transfer of ownership or an extension of the lease to you.” Then Leing’s interpreter added, “It appears to me that General Chin is opposed to the plan.”
Leing was shocked. China, which patrolled the Nansha Islands — the Chinese term for the Spratly Islands — as if they were a mainland province — had even defended their rights to the islands with atomic weapons. Now they were willing to just give the islands up? And give them up to Vietnam, which was once an ally but was now a clear adversary? As early as 1988, China had come a hairsbreadth away from invading Vietnam over the Spratly Islands…
“This is most unexpected, Comrade Premier,” Leing said, finally regaining control over his numbed senses. “It is a most attractive offer. Naturally, I assume there is a condition to this transfer?” Of course there was — and Leing finally realized what it might be…
“You are correct, Comrade Ambassador,” the interpreter said for Foreign Minister Zhou. “Although we freely admit that an adjustment to the turbulent situation in the Nansha Island chain meant that this action was far overdue:
“We realize that a vote will be forthcoming when the Association of South East Asian Nations meet in Singapore and the question of our occupation of the Philippines is brought forward. We have tried to assure all countries involved in this situation that our involvement was requested by the Philippine government and that we are acting in strict accordance with international law; however, we realize that outside, non-Communist sympathizers will attempt to undermine our efforts to restore peace to the region. China has not been offered an opportunity to voice our side of the matter, which precludes any sort of fair and equitable resolution of this incident.
“We are therefore asking that when the vote is called, the Vietnamese vote against any ASEAN resolutions to interfere in the Philippines, and that you urge other nations in ASEAN to vote against any resolution as well. Since a unanimous vote is necessary for ASEAN to take military action or impose severe economic embargos, your action would postpone any serious consequences.
“In addition, if you agree to assist us militarily in defending our right to remain in the Philippines, the Republic of China will propose a similar lease agreement to the Republic of Vietnam for the western group of the islands known as the Crescent Group in the Xinsha Islands archipelago.”
The offer was astounding. China was in effect offering the Vietnamese a controlling position to the entire South China Sea in exchange for cooperation in its operation in the Philippines. In terms of value and strategic importance, it was not an equitable trade — the Philippines was by far a much brighter gem than the Spratlys or the Paracels — but by establishing offshore bases, Vietnam would once again be able to build a blue-water navy and exert its will in Southeast Asia. It could finally be able to counter the growing democratic-oligarchic influence of the Moslem nations of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei by being able to effectively operate naval and merchant fleets far from home ports.
“I do not see how such an action can be construed as anything else than conspiracy and duplicity,” Ambassador Leing said. Premier Cheung’s face was impassive, but Leing measured the government’s reaction in General Chin’s face — it was obvious the warlord didn’t enjoy taking any lip from a Vietnamese politician. “But the return of our territorial islands of Dao Quan Mueng Bang and Dao Phran-Binh would be of immense pleasure and gratification to my government.”
The ploy worked. Instead of calling the contested islands by their Chinese names, Leing used the ancestral Vietnamese names — Dao Quan Mueng Bang for the Spratlys, Dao Phran-Binh for the Paracels — and those names infuriated General Chin, who launched into a furious tirade, first at Leing and then at Premier Cheung.
“He says that this is a crazy idea, that it will never be, that Vietnam cannot be allowed to take…” his interpreter quickly responded. “He is now telling me to be silent or he will cut off my… my penis, and stuff it in my… General Chin is very angry, Comrade Ambassador. Perhaps we should leave…”
“No,” Leing said in Vietnamese in a low voice. “There is obviously a power struggle going on here. We must be witness to it before we can take this proposal to Hanoi.”
“We will take nothing if we are
“Keep your comments to yourself and tell me what they are saying,” Leing hissed.
