“We’re always put in a position to defend our actions,” the President scoffed. “What else is new?”

“That’s often true, Mr. President,” Danahall said. “But we’ve got to try to work in concert with other countries — the more we try to go it alone, the more we’re accused of bullying and imperialism. We should get some interested countries involved and get them to ask for our help.”

“Like who?”

“ASEAN, for example,” Danahall replied. “Most or all of the ASEAN nations have had territorial arguments with China — ASEAN was developed as a counterweight to Chinese aggression. And then there are things we can do to advance our own military position without unnecessarily provoking the Chinese or alienating ASEAN…”

“Well, sending in a second carrier battle group and a Marine Expeditionary Unit seems pretty provocative to me,” Cesare said.

“I think that action can be fully justified in the context of a nuclear-armed Chinese naval group that has moved into the South China Sea. I mean it’s right in the heart of ASEAN,” Curtis replied. “So would sending in the Air Battle force for support—”

“I don’t want to send in the damned B-52 bombers,” the President grumbled. “Sending them in would be tantamount to saying we want a nuclear exchange. Christ, Curtis…”

“Sir, the biggest threat facing our carrier battle group in the South China Sea is not sea-based threats, but land-based threats,” Curtis argued. “Heavy bombers and large antiship weapons launched from shore could devastate the fleet…”

“You said that already.”

“The same argument applies to the Chinese, sir. Even a small squadron of Harpoon-equipped B-52s could devastate a Chinese surface action group — each bomber could destroy two to four vessels, with minimal risk to themselves.”

The point, however grudgingly, was made on the President. “So what can the Air Force do?” the President asked after a brief pause. “We don’t have bases in the Philippines…”

“We’d operate out of Guam, sir, just like STRATFOR is doing,” Curtis replied. “We’d deploy the First Air Battle Wing and have the manpower and equipment out there on hand for both fleet defense, sea interdiction, and ground attack. I’m not asking for permission to send the entire Air Battle Wing, sir,” Curtis concluded. “We’ll need time to set up — at least five to six days. But General Elliott of HAWC has devised a special combat-information exchange system aboard several of his aircraft — including several modified B-52s and a B-2 stealth bomber — that could be extremely valuable to us if the shooting starts. I’m requesting permission to send Elliott and one aircraft, the stealth bomber, to Guam — under absolute secrecy — to help get things set up.” “Elliott?” the President asked, rolling his eyes. “Brad Elliott? He’s involved in this… already?”

Curtis went slowly, calmly, trying not to inflame the President any further. “It was his Center’s satellite system — PACER SKY — that got the photos of the Chinese ship launching the nuclear missile at the Philippine Navy. We want to expand that same satellite system on all the Air Battle Force aircraft…”

“But why send a B-2?” the President asked.

“The B-2 is a part of the Air Battle Force now, sir,” General Curtis explained. “It requires a lot more security and a bit more ground-support pre-planning. In addition, this particular B-2 was General Elliott’s prototype with the full PACER SKY satellite system installed. It also has greatly enhanced reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities that we will need immediately if the Air Battle Force is activated.”

The President thought about the proposal a bit, then, with a weary and exasperated sigh shook his head. “Listen, Wilbur, I can’t decide on any of that now. Continue with current directives and keep me advised. I’ve got some thinking to do.”

“Sir, may I?”

“Save it, Wilbur. Thank you.”

The meeting was definitely over.

Residence of the Premier, Baiyunguan Terrace Beijing, Republic of ChinaThursday, 29 September 1994, 0602 hours local (Wednesday, 28 September, 1702 hours Washington time)

The streets were still relatively empty as the small motorcade of dark, unmarked cars raced down Shilibao Avenue westward past Tian’anmen Square, then north past Yuyan Tan People’s Park toward the Premier’s residence in Baiyunguan Terrace, a complex of residences, green rolling hills, parks, and temples built especially for the Communist government leaders. Outer security at the twisting single-lane entrance was provided by a single unarmed guard who would politely point and describe the complex to tourists and children and even offer to take pictures for visitors; inside the narrow portal, however, was a detail of three thousand heavily armed soldiers, hand-picked by Premier Cheung Yat Sing himself, that guarded the sixty-acre complex.

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