So that was it, Danahall thought: China wanted the Spratly Islands and Palawan.
Danahall and his staff had had to do some serious cramming in recent days to reacquaint themselves with those two island chains that China seemed ready to go to war over. And, historically, Tang was right — several hundred years ago, before European explorers ventured to the Orient in large numbers, Chinese merchantmen, fishermen, and refugees did populate most of the islands in the South China Sea, including the Spratlys and most of the Philippines. Like the Spratlys, Palawan had been occupied and claimed by many Asian, Polynesian, and European nations over the centuries. At least a dozen countries had claims for these rugged, dangerous islands.
But all that was rather ancient history. China might have a fairly solid claim to the Spratly Islands — which they had already reportedly traded to Vietnam, at least for the time being — but whether they had any modem claim to Palawan was another thing entirely. What possible use China had for Palawan was a mystery to Danahall. The island was mountainous, sparsely populated, and useless as a shipping or trading port because of its proximity to the “Dangerous Ground,” the shallow waters of the South China Sea, so hazardous to commercial freighters. It might make a strategic air-base location from which to threaten islands and waters belonging to other ASEAN countries, but even that was doubtful. Was this some sort of new manifest destiny for China — or a cover for something else…?
“I think negotiations over these two areas of concern are important and can be implemented immediately, Mr. Ambassador,” Secretary Danahall said. “Of course, other affected nations will have to participate — and an immediate cessation of all hostilities must be declared…”
“If that can include Samar and his Moslem rebel militia, I agree wholeheartedly, Mr. Secretary,” Tang replied.
“I think we can be helpful in securing Vice President Samar’s cooperation,” Frank Kellogg said, “but it would be a waste of time to try to begin negotiations without first calling for an immediate cease-fire and a pullback of all forces…”
“If we can receive assurances that your naval and air forces will not try to fortify or assist the Samar rebels, and promise not to attack any Chinese forces at any time, a cease-fire might be possible. But it would be supercilious for us to abandon our agreement with President Teguina and simply leave him alone and unprotected without first guaranteeing that his government will remain intact during our negotiations. Now, if Samar’s rebel forces would give up their hold on the city of Davao and the Samar International Airport, perhaps my government would be more amenable to encouraging a dialogue with the Philippine government.”
This time all the Americans paused. They were afraid this might happen. Promising not to attack Chinese forces was no problem — the President didn’t want to do it in any case — but they knew that Davao was the last pin keeping the Philippines from falling apart. If Samar’s people abandoned the city, the Philippines would fall forever — if not to the Chinese, then to Teguina’s Communists. Samar might be a Moslem, but he also believed in a unified Philippines. It was obvious that Teguina believed in nothing but himself and his power. Tang was asking assistance from the U.S. government to destroy the last obstruction to total domination by the Communists.
“I think that discussion can wait for more detailed negotiations between our representatives,” Danahall said — he didn’t want to encourage him with even a veiled “maybe,” but he didn’t want to indicate that it was out of the question, either. “We’re getting ahead of ourselves here. Let’s get our respective governments to agree on an immediate cease-fire first…”
But Tang recognized Danahall’s hesitation and had obviously concluded that the Americans would agree to nothing here. ‘.‘Why do you support this Moslem Samar?” Tang asked. “He is nothing but a rabble-rouser. He is a definite hindrance to peace, Mr. Secretary. He is not deserving of your country’s support.”
“We support a peaceful solution to this crisis, Mr. Ambassador…
“I truly hope so, Mr. Secretary,” Tang said. “It appears to my government, however, that the United States wishes to regain its lost military dominance in the Philippines. You are aligning yourself with a traitor and criminal, blinding your citizens to Samar’s violent and revolutionary past, in an obvious attempt to gain some sort of legitimacy for a military invasion of your own. That is not the way to solve this crisis, sir.”
“There are those who feel that China is trying to exert its influence in the region by the use of force,” Kellogg said, “and that you will stop at nothing to achieve it. They fear China may use
