“Sir…” General Curtis said, letting the President know he was present after Taylor’s secretary had shut the door behind him and disappeared back into the outer reception area.
The President said nothing for a moment — nor did the others — and then, finally, he turned and took a deep breath. “Arturo Mikaso may be dead.”
Curtis felt his heart skip a beat. “What? Mikaso dead?”
Danahall said, “It’s unconfirmed, but we got a report a few minutes ago from British Intelligence, who had a Filipino clerk working in the palace at the time. The clerk says Mikaso was shot by a Chinese guard about an hour ago when the troops moved in. Some other Cabinet members and most of Mikaso’s staff and guards were also shot.”
“Mikaso could still be alive.” The President sighed. “But I doubt it.”
“What about the Chinese? Are they assisting in the coup?” asked Curtis.
“The Chinese have occupied a military base on Palawan — they have in fact occupied the Entire island — and have been given authorization by Teguina to occupy four more installations in the south,” Secretary of Defense Preston said. “There are Chinese infantry and armor units in the capital already, and they are augmenting rebel troops by the hundreds.”
Curtis looked at the President of the United States, understanding the terrible anguish within him. President Taylor and Mikaso had been friends despite the removal of U.S. troops from the Philippines, and Taylor had always pledged to protect Mikaso and his island country no matter what the political situation was. The news of his murder in his own house, by invading troops, must have been devastating to the President. “Mr. President, I’m very sorry…”
“I haven’t even briefed the rest of the NSC or the Cabinet about it yet,” the President replied quietly. “Dammit, I should have been smarter. I should have realized Arturo was in danger from the beginning…” The President swiveled his chair and faced his advisers. “Well, what the hell do we do now?”
“The Chinese have closed off the airport,” Danahall said. “It’s too late to evacuate American citizens in Manila. We should demand that all American citizens that wish to leave be allowed to leave.”
“Yes, absolutely… see to it immediately,” the President said. His mind was moving quickly from item to item, all the while interrupted with the thought of his friend murdered in cold blood by a Chinese soldier. “What about the carriers? Are they in danger from the Chinese now?”
General Curtis said, “I believe the carriers can adequately protect themselves from any sea-based threats, including Chinese submarines. Their main threat would come from long-range, land-based strike aircraft or antiship missiles, and we need to determine the seriousness of that threat before sending any carrier task forces too close to occupied territory. The main thing is, we’ve got to get all the data we possibly can on the composition of the Chinese invaders. But if I may speak freely, sir — the most important question here is what
“I want the Chinese out, that’s what,” the President replied testily. “I want the democratic government in Manila restored. We will open negotiations with Premier Cheung immediately, of course, but I want them out. Unconditionally.”
“But if they are invited by the Philippine government? Do we have any right to go in with military force to try to remove them?” Secretary of Defense Preston asked. “If they pose no direct threat to free trade and free access to the South Pacific or Southeast Asia, why do we want them out of the Philippines?”
“What do you mean…? Of course we have the
“I don’t think there is any question about that,” Danahall said. “A three-way balance of power — us, the Soviets, and the Chinese — offers the best stability. Reduce it to one nation and the Cold War heats up all over again.”
Curtis said, “But Secretary Preston’s point is valid, sir. We might not have any legitimate right to try to bump the Chinese out unless we can prove that the invasion is not in our best interests or unless we are asked to intervene.” “We have every right to make demands on the Chinese,” Cesare interjected. “They don’t own the South China Sea. No nation can just move in and occupy another country.” “Exactly, Paul,” the President said, “Mikaso was our friend and ally. I’m sure he didn’t give his life to allow the Chinese to march into his capital and take over his country.”
“Curtis and Preston have a point, Mr. President,” Danahall said. “If the present government — even Teguina — says he invited China in to quell some sort of national uprising, that forces us into a defensive situation. We have to explain to the world why we want to send troops in.”
