177. Christian Hartmann, “Massensterben oder Massenvernichtung? Sowjetische Kriegsgefangene im ‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’: Aus dem Tagebuch eines deutschen Lagerkommandanten,” VfZG 49 (2001), pp. 97–158; Hubert Orlowski, “Erschießen will ich nicht”: Als Offizier und Christ im Totalen Krieg. Das Kriegstagebuch des Dr. August Töpperwien (Dusseldorf: Gasterland Verlag, 2006); Richard Germann, “ ‘Österreichische’ Soldaten in Ost- und Südeuropa, 1941–1945: Deutsche Krieger—Nationalsozialistische Verbrecher—Österreichische Opfer?” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 2006), pp. 186–99.

178. SRA 2672, 19 June 1942, TNA, WO 208/4126.

179. Ibid.

180. SRM 735, 1 August 1944, TNA, WO 208/4138. See also SRA 5681, 21 December 1944, TNA, WO 208/4135.

181. SRA 4791, 6 January 1944, TNA, WO 208/4132.

182. Room Conversation, Krug–Altvatter, 27 August 1944, NARA, RG 165, Entry 179, Box 442.

183. Interrogation Report, Gefreiter Hans Breuer, 18 February 1944, NARA, RG 165, Entry 179, Box 454.

184. See, e.g., SRA 2672, 19 June 1942, TNA, WO 208/4126; SRA 5502, 21 July 1944, TNA, WO 208/4134; SRGG 274, 22 July 1943, TNA, WO 208/4165; SRGG 577, 21 November 1943, TNA, WO 208/4167; Room Conversation, Lehnertz-Langfeld, 14 August 1944, NARA, RG 165, Entry 179, Box 507; Room Conversation, Gartz–Sitzle, 27 July 1944, NARA, RG 165, Entry 179, Box 548.

185. SRGG 1203 (C), 6 May 1945, TNA, WO 208/4170.

186. SRA 3966, 26 May 1943, TNA, WO 208/4130.

187. During the night of 26 July 1942, the Jewish residents of Przemy´sl were collected from their houses by the SS. At around 5 a.m., the local commander, Max Liedtke, called SS Untersturmführer Adolf Benthin and insisted that those Jewish men who worked for the Wehrmacht be exempted from deportation. He threatened to file a complaint with the general staff, whom he had already informed by radio about what was going on. Without waiting for a response, Liedtke’s adjutant Albert Battel sealed off the only entrance to the Jewish ghetto. SS men were threatened with machine guns if they tried to pass. Battel’s justification was that a state of emergency had been declared in Przemy´sl. This was legally correct, although the act was still a major humiliation and provocation of the SS. The SS then contacted a high-ranking officer in Cracow to get the state of emergency lifted. It being clear that the SS would soon prevail, Battel had some 90 workers and their families transferred from the ghetto to the commander’s headquarters. He also allowed 240 further people hide in the headquarters’ basement. Battel and Liedtke’s assessment of the situation was correct. The state of emergency was lifted, and on 27 July, the SS continued their so-called resettlement operation.

188. Wolfram Wette, Retter in Uniform: Handlungsspielräume im Vernichtungskrieg der Wehrmacht (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 2003).

189. Some 1,400 Jews were murdered in three phases—July, August, and November 1941—in Daugavpils. Israel Gutman, Eberhard Jäckel, Peter Longerich, and Julius H. Schoeps, eds., Enzyklopädie des Holocaust, Vol. 1, p. 375.

190. SRGG 1086, 28 December 1944, TNA, WO 208/4169.

191. See Frank Bajohr and Dieter Pohl, Der Holocaust als offenes Geheimnis: Die Deutschen, die NS-Führung und die Alliierten (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 2006); Peter Longerich, “Davon haben wir nichts gewusst!” Die Deutschen und die Judenverfolgung, 1933–1945 (Munich: Siedler, 2006); Harald Welzer, “Die Deutschen und ihr Drittes Reich,” Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 14–15 (2007).

192. SRGG 1086, 28 December 1944, TNA, WO 208/4169.

193. Ibid.

194. See Welzer, Moller, and Tschuggnall, Opa, p. 35ff.; Angela Keppler, Tischgespräche (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1994), p. 173.

195. SRGG 1086, 28 December 1944, TNA, WO 208/4169.

196. Ibid.

197. Ibid.

198. Ibid.

199. Ibid.

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