360. Stalin demanded a “knockout blow” to any internal opposition. Vatlin, Stenogrammy zasedanii politburo, 581 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 163, d. 1010); Danilov et al., Tragediia sovetskoi derevni, III: 557–561 (d. 1011, l. 9ob.-15). See also Davies and Wheatcroft, Years of Hunger, 187–8.
361. A Central Committee plenum (Jan. 1933) rubber-stamped the expulsions, and the reprimands to Tomsky, Rykov, and V. V. Schmidt (a Rykov associate) for encouraging anti-party work. KPSS v rezoliutsiiakh (9th ed.), VI: 32–3.
362. Koenker et al., Revelations, 405–6 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 85, d. 379, l. 1, 1ob, 2); Antipova et al., Golod v SSSR, 202 (APRF, f. 3, op. 40, d. 84, l. 139). On Dec. 15, 1932, Stalin set up a separate agricultural department in the Central Committee apparatus and named Kaganovich responsible.
363. Haslam, Threat from the East, 8; Bridges, “Yoshizawa Kenkichi.” Alexander Troyanovsky (b. 1882) was the scion of lesser gentry, educated at the Mikhailov artillery school, and originally a Menshevik; during the NEP, he worked in trade before being appointed envoy to Japan in late 1927.
364. Izvestiia, Jan. 17, 1933; Tisminets, Vneshniaia politika SSSR, III: 574–5.
365. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 910, l. 2. At this time the regime also tightened the screws by introducing political departments into the machine tractor stations and state farms. These would be announced at the Jan. plenum, when Stalin would blame failures of county party committees for forcing his hand. Zelenin, “Politotdely MTS,” 45; Shimotomai, “Springtime for the Polkitotdel,” 1034; Thorniley, Rise and Fall, 124–40.
366. Stalin received the OGPU’s Yagoda and Prokofyev that day. Na prieme, 83. Kirov at the OGPU jubilee stated, “It is necessary to say openly that the Cheka-GPU is an organ called to punish, and to simplify the matter, not just to punish but to punish in real fashion, so that population growth in the ‘other world’ will be duly noticed.” Pogonii, Lubianka, 200 (no citation).
367. Campbell, Russia, 13–8; Stalin, “Gospodin Kembell priviraet,” Bolshevik, 1932, no. 22: 1–16 (dated Dec. 23, 1932; published in the Nov. 30 issue). “He was very erect and alert, dressed in Russian costume, consisting of boots, breeches, and a white Russian shirt worn outside the trousers with a black belt,” Campbell wrote of Stalin, while recalling the presence of American-made typewriters and filing cabinets. Campbell claimed the audience with Stalin (Jan. 28, 1929) had taken place in the Kremlin but then wrote about ascending to the sixth floor (i.e., at Old Square). Campbell appears in Stalin’s office logbook as “Kellbell.” Na prieme, 30. In response to the condemnation, Campbell told a reporter, “I have a very high regard for Mr. Stalin,” adding, “I consider him a real leader and perhaps the only man who can bring that country out of its duress and turmoil.” Spokesman Review, Dec. 31, 1932. Trotsky seized upon the Campbell book: Biulleten’ oppozitsii, no. 32 (Dec. 1932).
368. Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 339–40 (APRF, f. 3, op. 58, d. 175, l. 9: Nov. 25, 1932); Sobranie zakonov, 1932, no. 84: article 516; Hoffman, Peasant Metropolis Social Identities, 52; Kessler, “Passport System.” From Jan. through April 1933, the state issued 6.6 million passports while denying 265,000 applications. Violations were rampant; the passports had no photographs.
369. Collective farmers living within 60 miles (100 km) of Moscow and Leningrad would be given passports, as an exception.
370. Zelenin, “O nekotorykh ‘belykh piatnakh,’” 14 (citing RGASPI, f. 17, op. 26, d. 68, l. 1–9, 32, 35).
371. Davies, Crisis and Progress, 270.
372. Khlevniuk, Politbiuro, 134–5 (citing RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2, d. 750, l. 52, 54–6; op. 3, d. 913, l. 9); KPSS v rezoliutsiiakh (9th ed.), VI: 18; Pravda, Jan. 13, 1933; VKP (b) v rezoliutsiiakh (1933), II: 762–83.
373. “Itogi pervoi piatiletki: doklad 7 ianvaria 1933 g.,” Sochineniia, XII: 161–215. See also Kontorovich, “Military Origins.” On class struggle, Stalin had remarked in July 1928 that “as we move forward, the resistance of capitalist elements will grow, the class struggle will become sharper, and Soviet power, whose forces will grow even more, will carry out . . . a policy of suppression of the exploiter’s resistance.” Sochineniia, XI: 170–1. Trotsky in April 1918 had observed, “The further and the more the revolutionary movement develops, here and abroad, the more tightly the bourgeoisie of all lands will close ranks.” Volkogonov, Trotsky, 121–2 (citing Sochineniia, XVII/i: 205).
