322. Dallin and Firsov, Dimitrov and Stalin, 13–6 (RGASPI, f. 495, op. 73, d. 1, l. 1–3); Firsov, “Stalin i komintern,” 12 (citing TsPA na TsK na BKP, f. 146, op. 6, а.е. 754, l. 1); Komolova, Komintern protiv fashizma, 326–9; Borkenau, European Communism, 110–1. On July 4, Dimitrov was again received one-on-one by Stalin (“thorough discussion!”), but in late July Stalin was still defending his “social fascist” theory. Banac, Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 24 (July 4, 1934); Na prieme, 135–6; McDermott and Agnew, Comintern, 92.
323. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 15, l. 114–4: July 5, 1934. The Soviet envoy in Rome told Mussolini if Germany ceased its hostility, “nothing would prevent the Soviet government from continuing the friendly collaboration with Germany in the spirit of the Rappallo and Berlin agreements.” DVP SSSR, XVII: 471 (July 13, 1934). Negotiations with Germany for the proffered credit would drag on. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 17, l. 88–9: Dec. 5.
324. Izvestiia, July 11, 1934.
325. Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 801 n70 (Feb. 6, 1934). He had abandoned his small Kremlin apartment in the Cavalry Building for good, unable any longer to climb to the second floor, and stayed at his state dacha in Gorki-6 (Arkhangelskoe). Mozokhin and Gladkov, Menzhinskii, 346–9, 354–5 (no citation). After the death of his second wife, Maria Rostovtsa, in 1925 he was said to have become a recluse. But he married a third time, and had another child, his fifth.
326. An intentionally provocative obituary in a prominent surviving liberal German newspaper alleged a falling-out between Yagoda and Stalin over forced collectivization. Paul Scheffer, in Berliner Tageblatt, May 11, 1934, translated in Vinogradov, Genrikh Iagoda, 377–81 (TsA FSB, f. 3, op. 1, d. 12, l. 2–5).
327. Shreider, NKVD iznutri, 25.
328. Stalin had initiated the change, introducing a politburo resolution Feb. 20, 1934, to place the OGPU inside an all-Union NKVD, and forming a commission. Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 486 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 939, l. 2), 487–9 (APRF, f. 3, op. 58, d. 4, l. 14–5), 509 (l. 20), 514–5 (l. 124–6), 515 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 943, l. 10) 543–4 (d. 948, l. 33, 92–3); Yezhov had sent suggestions on personnel for the NKVD on April 8, 1934: Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 514–5.
329. The expansion occurred on June 8, 1934. On June 6, 1937, the regime would add subarticle 14: “counterrevolutionary sabotage.” Zaitsev, Sbornik zakonodatel’nykh i normativnykh aktov. “In all truth, there is no step, thought, action, or lack of action under the heavens which could not be punished by the heavy hand of Article 58,” Solzhenitsyn would write. Solzhenitsyn, Gulag Archipelago, 60. Criminal codes were by republic, and in Ukraine, it was article 54.
330. Adibekov et al., Politbiuro TsK RKP (b)—VKP (b): povestki dnia zasedanii, II: 511 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 941: March 20, 1934); Karnitskii, Ugolovnyi kodeks RSFSR. See also RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 730, l. 22 (Oct. 7, 1934).
331. Yagoda had already issued a circular on the imperative for labor camp bosses to better organize their work, properly employ machinery, and fulfill the plan with attention to quality and cost, citing cases of failures to meet plan targets. Vinogradov, Genrikh Iagoda, 375 (TsA FSB, f. 3, op. 1, d. 594, l. 20: June 22, 1934), 382–90 (d. 7, l. 4–14). In Nov. 1934, the USSR NKVD would assume control over the prisons previously under the commissariats of justice in the Union republics, and thereby unite them with the corrective labor camps and colonies and special settlements. Jakobson, Origins of the Gulag.
332. Solomon, Soviet Criminal Justice, 166–7 (citing RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, 948, d. l. 95–100); Pravda, July 26, 1934.
