198. APRF, f. 3, op. 24, d. 177, l. 116–36.
199. Banac,
201. Khristoforov et al.,
202. West and Tsarev,
203. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1509, l. 82–4. Stalin was responding to E. Gorodetsky’s article in
204. Zhukovskii,
205. http://alya-aleksej.narod.ru/index/0-181; Voronov, “Palach v kozhanom fartuke”; Nikita Petrov, “Chelovek v kozhanom fartuke lichno rasstrelial bolee desiati tysiach chelovek” http://discussiya.com/2010/08/26/blokhin-executioner. Stalin signed the list, containing 457 names, including Yezhov’s, on Jan. 17, 1940: APRF, f. 3, op. 24, d. 177, l. 116–36. Another principal executioner was the Latvian Pēteris Mago, Russified as Pyotr Maggo (1879–1941), who would soon die of cirrhosis of the liver.
206. Ushakov and Stukalov,
207. “Poslednee slovo Nikolai Ezhova,”
208. Iakovlev,
209. Voronov,
210. Valedinskii, “Vospominaniia,” 124. Vyborg fell roughly three weeks later. On Stalin’s illness and treatment in mid-February 1940, see also Chigirin,
211. In Nov. 1939, thanks to Gerhard Kegel, the Soviet agent, the NKVD managed to photograph a long document on the German negotiating strategy in the talks, including the maximum prices the Germans would pay for various Soviet goods. “The negotiations were difficult and lengthy,” the German trade negotiator Karl Schnurre wrote in an internal memorandum, adding that, because “the Soviet Union does not import any consumer goods whatsoever, their wishes concerned exclusively manufactured goods and war materiel. Thus, in numerous cases, Soviet bottlenecks coincide with German bottlenecks, such as machine tools for the manufacture of artillery ammunition.” On top of that, “psychologically the ever-present distrust of the Russians was of importance as well as the fear of any responsibility. And people’s commissar Mikoyan had to refer numerous questions to Stalin personally, since his authority was not sufficient.”
213. After his Dec. 1939 offensive quickly petered out, Chiang, in Feb. 1940, had convened a military conference in Liuzhou (Guangxi). He attributed Japan’s strength to its surprise attacks (on poorly defended places), stout defense of occupied positions, and disguise of movements. He saw its weakness in a failure to deploy sufficient forces, sustain its operations for sufficient time, and prepare sufficient reserves. Ryōichi, “Japanese Eleventh Army,” 227–8, citing
214. Taylor,