45. The Bolsheviks had been awarding foreigners concessions (or leases) on Soviet territory to spur technology transfer and revive export industries, but this policy had been deeply fraught with difficulties. (Lenin, as usual, on Dec. 21, 1920, had captured the essence, paraphrasing Clausewitz: “Concessions [leases] do not mean peace with capitalism, but war in a new sphere.”) In Feb. 1930, a politburo commission would decide that foreign concessions contradicted socialist industrialization. By 1933, no manufacturing concessions remained. Carr and Davies, Foundations of a Planned Economy, III/I (1976): 90–1; Sutton, Western Technology, I: 86–91; Fitch, “Harriman Manganese Concession”; Davies, Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 109–10 (citing Za industrialiatsiiu, May 10, 1930; P. N. Pospelov et al. [eds.], Leninskii plan sotsialisticheskoi industrializatsii i ego osushchestvlenie [Moscow: Partizdat, 1969], 186–7; and DVP SSSR, XIII: 112 [Litvinov-Dirksen: Feb. 26, 1930]; and Sutton, Western Technology, I: 349, II: 17).
46. Davies, Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 125–6.
47. Rogachehskaia, Iz istorii rabochego klassa SSSR; Oprischenko, Istoriografiia sotsialisticheskogo sorevnovaniia; Rogachevskaia, Sotsialisticheskoe sorevnovanie v SSSR; Kuromiya, Stalin’s Industrial Revolution, 128–35.
48. Pravda, Jan. 20, 1929; PSS, XXVI: 367. See also Sotsialisticheskii vestnik, Sept. 27, 1929: 16; and Kravchenko, I Chose Freedom, 50.
49. Maksimenkov, Bol’shaia tsenzura, 146–53 (RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1493, l. 4–13), 153 (d. 1047, l. 48–9); Na prieme, 30. On May 4, 1929, Stalin received a delegation of 170 Donbas miners, who promised (in the text he edited) to “fulfill completely the tasks assigned them by Soviet power in the First Five-Year Plan.” Pravda, May 8, 1929; RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1159, l. 93.
50. Sochineniia, XII: 108–11; Maksimenkov, Bol’shaia tsenzura, 157 (RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1047, l. 19).
51. Sochineniia, XII: 115–6. Mikulina, who died in 1998, would be asked to recount her audience with Stalin: Maksimenkov, Bol’shaia tsenzura, 153n3.
52. Maksimenkov, Bol’shaia tsenzura, 162–5 (RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1047, l. 51–5: Aleksei Milrud, Sept. 19, 1929).
53. Sochineniia, XII: 112–5 (July 9, 1929). See also Maksimenkov, Bol’shaia tsenzura, 160 (RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1047, l. 62).
54. In Comintern documents, Stalin personally wrote in the epithet “social fascism” for Social Democrats. Communism and the International Situation, 6, 16–20; Firsov, “Stalin i Komintern,” 7. “Social fascism” became official in 1929, but Stalin’s conception was long-standing. “Fascism is the fighting organization of the bourgeoisie, leaning on the active support of social democracy,” he had written in 1924. “Social Democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism . . . They are not antipodes but twins. Fascism is an informal political bloc of these two basic political organizations, which arose in the situation of the postwar crisis of imperialism and is intended for the struggle against proletarian revolution.” Sochinennia, VI: 282; Degras, Communist International, 44. See also Degras, Communist International, II: 566.
55. Rosenhaft, Beating the Fascists, 35–9. The German Social Democrats, who had joined the Weimar Republic government, sought rapprochement with France against the Soviets in a pro-Western orientation.
56. McDermott and Agnew blame SPD policies (“more than any single factor”) for “the vitriolic ‘social fascist’ rhetoric employed by the Comintern in the years 1929–33.” McDermott and Agnew, Comintern, 100–2.
57. La correspondance international, Aug. 17, 1929: 971. This was the first such plenum since Feb. 1928.
58. Politicheskoe obrazovanie, 1989, no. 1: 81. World Situation, 3–21.
