*The original deposition of Lvov, drawn up on September 14, 1917, is reproduced in Chugaev, ed., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v avguste, 425–28. His recollections, published in PN in November and December 1920, are reprinted in A. Kerensky and R. Browder, eds., The Russian Provisional Government 1917, III (Stanford, Calif., 1961), 1558–68. After Vladimir Nabokov père wrote a letter to Poslednie novosti dismissing Lvov’s account of a conversation with him as “nonsense” (PN, No. 199, December 15, 1920, 3), their publication was terminated. Lvov returned to Russia in 1921 or 1922 and joined the renegate “Living Church.”

†Kerensky gave an account of his exchanges with Lvov to the commission investigating the Kornilov Affair on October 8, 1917. He later published it, with commentaries, in Delo Kornilova, 83–86.

‡This is the opinion of Golovin: Kontr-revoliutsiia, I, Pt. 2, 25. Lvov later claimed that he had requested and received from Kerensky authority to negotiate with his associates provided he acted with great discretion and in utmost secrecy: PN, No. 190 (December 4, 1920), 2. Given Kerensky’s subsequent activities, such behavior would not have been out of character. Even more likely is the connivance of Nekrasov, Kerensky’s closest adviser, who played a major role in exacerbating the conflict between the two men.

*Martynov, Kornilov, 84–85. In his deposition, Lvov said that Aladin’s memorandum represented “not my positions but Aladin’s conclusions from my words”: Chugaev, Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v avguste, 426.

*Accounts of this meeting: Kerensky, Delo Kornilova, 132–36, and Miliukov, Istoriia I, Pt. 2, 204–5. Miliukov talked to Lvov immediately before and after his meeting with the Prime Minister.

*Miliukov, Istoriia, I, Pt. 2, 213. Unlike Kerensky, Kornilov later admitted that he had acted thoughtlessly in not asking Kerensky to spell out what Lvov had conveyed to him on his behalf: A. S. Lukomskii, Vospominaniia, I (Berlin, 1922), 240.

†He spent the night in a room adjoining the Alexander III suite occupied by the Prime Minister, who kept him awake bellowing operatic arias. He was later placed under house arrest and treated by a psychiatrist: Izvestiia, No. 201 (October 19, 1917), 5.

*Revoliutsiia, IV, 99. According to Savinkov, between 9 and 10 p.m.—that is, before the cabinet had met—Kerensky told him it was too late to reach an understanding with Kornilov because the telegram dismissing him had already gone out: Mercure de France, No. 503 (June 1, 1919), 439

*Golovin, Kontr-revoliutsiia, I, Pt. 2, 35. Nekrasov, the eminence grise of Kerensky’s regime and a thoroughly sinister figure, throughout 1917 pushed the Prime Minister leftward. A professor of engineering at the Tomsk Polytechnic and a leading figure on the left wing of the Kadet Party, he was involved on January 1, 1918, in an unsuccessful attempt on Lenin’s life. The would-be assassins were pardoned, following which Nekrasov went into Bolshevik service under an assumed name. His identity was eventually discovered and he seems to have been imprisoned (N. Iakovlev, I Avgusta 1914, Moscow, 1974, 226–32).

†A businessman with political ambitions, Zavoiko was the counterpart of Nekrasov, pushing Kornilov toward the right: on him, see Martynov, Kornilov, 20–22.

*Zinaida Gippius thus depicts the encounter between Kornilov’s cavalry and the units sent from Petrograd to intercept them: “There was no ‘bloodshed.’ Near Luga and in some other places, the divisions dispatched by Kornilov and the ‘Petrograders’ ran into each other. They confronted each other, uncomprehending. The ‘Kornilovites’ were especially amazed. They had gone to ‘defend the Provisional Government’ and encountered an ‘enemy’ who had also gone to ‘defend the Provisional Government.’ … So they stood and pondered. They couldn’t understand a thing. But recalling the teaching of frontline agitators that ‘one should fraternize with the enemy,’ they fervently fraternized”: Siniaia kniga (Belgrade, 1929), 181; diary entry of August 31, 1917.

*Kerenskii, Delo Kornilova, 75–76, Revoliutsiia, IV, 143; Martynov, Kornilov, 149–51. Krymov left a suicide note for Kornilov, which Kornilov destroyed: Martynov, Kornilov, 151. No reactionary monarchist, Krymov had participated in 1916 in plots against Nicholas II.

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