*George Kennan, Russia Leaves the War (Princeton, N.J., 1956), 75–76. In early November, the Bolsheviks began to publish the secret treaties between Russia and the Allies from the files of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. With their appeals, the Bolsheviks emulated the French revolutionaries who in November 1792 pledged “brotherhood and assistance” to any nation desirous of “regaining” its freedom.
*J. Buchan, A History of the Great War, IV (Boston, 1922), 135. The Armistice Agreement forbade “major” transferals of troops from or to the Russian front while it was in force.
†According to the French general Henri A. Niessel, the Allies intercepted German cables from Petrograd to Brest and from them learned how desperately the Germans desired peace: General [Henri A.] Niessel, Le Triomphe des Bolchéviks et la Paix de Brest-Litovsk: Souvenirs, 1917–1918 (Paris, 1940), 187–88.
*The Soviet Government’s default on all state obligations, domestic as well as foreign, was announced on January 28, 1918. The sum of foreign debts annulled by this measure has been estimated at 13 billion rubles or $6.5 billion: G. G. Shvittau, Revoliutsiia i Narodnoe Khoziaistvo v Rossii (1917–1921) (Leipzig, 1922), 337.
*Text: J. Degras, ed., Documents on Russian Foreign Policy, I (London, 1951), 22. The money was placed at the disposal of Vorovskii.
*Lenin, PSS, XXXV, 478; LS, XI, 41; Winfried Baumgart, Deutsche Ostpolitik 1918 (Vienna-Munich, 1966), 22. Stalin, who supported Lenin, said that a revolution in the West was not in sight. The protocols of this conference are said to have disappeared. Isaac Steinberg says that the Left SRs liked the “neither war nor peace” formula and had a hand in its formulation: Als ich Volkskommissar war (Munich, 1929), 190–92.
*Sovetsko-Germanskie Otnosheniia ot peregovorov v Brest-Litovske do podpisaniia Rapall’skogo dogovora, I (Moscow, 1968), 328. Although inspired by Kaiserlingk’s dispatches from Petrograd, this anti-Semitic remark echoed the so-called Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which was soon to become favorite reading fare of the simpleminded in quest of an “explanation” for the World War and Communism.
*Each of the three Allied ambassadors left memoirs: George Buchanan, My Mission to Russia, 2 vols. (London, 1923); David Francis, Russia from the American Embassy (New York, 1921); and Joseph Noulens, Mon Ambassade en Russie Soviétique, 2 vols. (Paris, 1933).
†The sentence was not carried out after Sadoul had returned home and joined the French Communist Party. His revolutionary experiences are recorded in an interesting book, first published in Moscow, in the form of letters to Albert Thoma: Notes sur la Révolution Bolchevique (Paris, 1920), supplemented by Quarante Lettres de Jacques Sadoul (Paris, 1922).
*Letter dated April 25, 1918, in the Raymond Robins Collection, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. In responding, Lenin expressed confidence that “proletarian democracy … will crush … the imperialist-capitalist system in the New and Old Worlds”: Ministerstvo Inostrannykh Del SSSR, Dokumenty vneshnei politiki SSSR, I (Moscow, 1957), 276.
†George F. Kennan, The Decision to Intervene (Princeton, N.J., 1958), 237–38. In light of the above evidence it is difficult to agree with Kennan that Robins’s “feelings with respect to the Soviet government did not rest on any partiality to socialism as a doctrine” or that he entertained no “predilection for communist ideology”: Ibid, 240–41. Robins later eulogized Stalin and was received by him in 1933. See Anne Vincent Meiburger, Efforts of Raymond Robins Toward the Recognition of Soviet Russia and the Outlawry of War, 1917–1933 (Washington, D.C., 1958), 193–99.
‡See his Memoirs of a British Agent (London, 1935) and The Two Revolutions: An Eyewitness Account (London, 1967).
§A. Hogenhuis-Seliverstoff, Les Relations Franco-Soviétiques, 1917–1924 (Paris, 1981), 53. Niessel does not mention these facts in his memoirs, Le Triomphe des Bolcheviks.
