The revolutions were a howl of rage directed at the old hierarchy in a new era of seething cities, billowing factories, careening railways, rollercoasting stock markets, multiplying newspapers, bestselling instalment-novels and news-bearing telegraphs. British railways – in 1840, they had laid 1,498 miles of line, tripling to 6,621 by 1850 – now linked British cities; France was far behind with 2,000 miles. Railway entrepreneurs considered adding a transatlantic route to their networks: in 1840, a Canadian entrepreneur, Samuel Cunard, sailed on his first steamship,
Twice fleeing their capital, as ministers were lynched and hanged from lampposts, Kaiser Ferdinand and the Habsburgs still possessed the will for power that is essential to keeping it, deploying their loyal armies to crush Italy and then storm Vienna. They held a secret family conference where ‘the only man at court’, Archduchess Sophie, the emperor’s sister-in-law, the Bavarian princess who had flirted with Napoleon’s son in the 1820s, stiffened resolve: she persuaded her husband, the emperor’s brother, to renounce the succession. She had trained their eighteen-year-old son Franzl, fair-haired, blue-eyed, serious and dutiful, for the throne. At Olomouc, the handover was recorded poignantly by the outgoing kaiser. ‘The affair ended with the new Emperor kneeling before his old Emperor and Lord, that is to say, me,’ wrote Ferdinand, ‘and asking for a blessing, which I gave him, laying both hands on his head and making the sign of the Holy Cross … then I kissed our new master … After that I and my dear wife packed our bags.’
Assuming the name Franz Josef, the new emperor resumed the reconquest of the empire, first in Italy, then in Austria. Many dynasties tottered. In Bavaria, one of the oldest, the Wittelsbachs, resembled an
Further north, in Frankfurt, an excited National Assembly promoted a united, constitutional Germany, dispensing with the ‘German Confederation’ chaired by Austria and offering the crown to the timorous Prussian king Frederick William IV. At first a Berlin revolution had forced the Flounderer to agree a constitution. His conservative younger brother, Wilhelm, went into British exile; when he returned, he used gunpowder to restore order in the streets. Now the Flounderer refused to ‘pick up a crown from the gutter, disgraced with the stink of revolution, defiled with filth’. Yet he then flirted with leading a German union. But Austria had recovered and reasserted its power; the Assembly was closed down; the Hohenzollerns had been at once humiliated and shown to be essential.*
The Flounderer’s performance had infuriated the Junker nobles, none more so than a strapping landowner from Pomerania, Otto von Bismarck, who, provoking liberals with his talk of divine monarchy, fantasized about leading an army to overthrow the king and encouraged the ‘rattling of sabres in their scabbards’. The backlash against the rebellion deeply disappointed two young German radicals planning socialist revolution.
COURTESANS AND