68. Anderson and Anderson, Inside the League, 54–55; Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott, and Jane Hunter, The Iran-Contra Connection: Secret Teams and Covert Operations in the Reagan Era (Boston: South End Press, 1987), 65; Thomas Bodenheimer and Robert Gould, Rollback: Right-Wing Power in U.S. Foreign Policy (Boston: South End Press, 1989), http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Foreign_Policy/GlobalRollbackNetwork.html.
69. Cf. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, 203, 210.
70. Marshall et al., The Iran-Contra Connection, 62–64.
71. Anderson and Anderson, Inside the League, 204; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 45–46, 109. In April 1971 the chief Laotian delegate to the WACL, Prince Sopsaisana, was caught in Paris with sixty kilos of high-grade heroin, worth $13.5 million on the streets of New York (Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War, 163; McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, 379).
72. Testimony of Special Counsel Jack A. Blum, Senate Intelligence Hearing on Drug Trafficking and the Contra War, October 23, 1996; Washington Weekly, October 28, 1996.
73. Mike Levine, The Big White Lie (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1993), 35–36.
74. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 46; Marshall et al., The Iran-Contra Connection, 20–25; Loretta Napoleoni, Terror Incorporated (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2005), 19, 247.
75. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, 59–60. Through the Guérinis of the Corsican Mafia, Brown also made “contact with the mafia in Italy” (Valentine, The Strength of the Wolf, 112). Valentine confirms allegations that Brown himself came under FBN investigation in the 1960s because of his unexplained travels in the company of Corsican drug trafficker Maurice Castellani (362–63, cf. 270–74); see also Douglas Valentine, “The French Connection Revisited: The CIA, Irving Brown, and Drug Smuggling as Political Warfare,” Covert Action, http://www.covertaction.org/content/view/99/75.
76. Charbonneau, The Canadian Connection, 69, 75; Valentine, The Strength of the Wolf, 328, 331.
77. Charbonneau, The Canadian Connection, 209.
78. Proceso, August 5, 1985, 30; Peter Lupsha, “Drug Lords and Narco-Corruption,” in McCoy and Block, War on Drugs, 180. Chavarri was described by Lupsha as a founder of the DFS. But La Charola (65–66) gives a list of the founding officers; there is a Fernando Rocha Chavarri but no Rafael Chavarri.
79. Gaia Servadio, Mafioso (New York: Dell, 1976), 125–28; Scott, Deep Politics, 174.
80. Scott, Deep Politics, 174.
81. Scott, Deep Politics, 174–77.
82. Wikipedia, “Sylvestro Carolla,” citing Jay Robert Nash, The Encyclopedia of World Crime (Wilmette, IL: CrimeBooks Inc., 1990), vol. 1 (A–C).
83. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 39 (Lebanon), 162ss (Thailand), 197 (Vietnam), and 476–77 (Pakistan); Jeffrey M. Bale, “The ‘Black’ Terrorist International: Neo-Fascist Paramilitary Networks and the ‘Strategy of Tension’ in Italy, 1968–1974” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley), 170 (Italy); Warren Hinckle and William Turner, The Fish Is Red (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), 314 (Cuba); Daniele Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe (London: Frank Cass, 2005), 240–43 (Turkey). Ganser also presents evidence of a CIA–drugs triarchy involving Spanish intelligence (106–7) and the French Secret Army Organization or OAS (100). By the 1980s such triarchic arrangements were widespread in Latin America (Scott and Marshall, Cocaine Politics, vii–xii, 79–85).
84. Alan A. Block and Constance A. Weaver, All Is Clouded by Desire: Global Banking, Money Laundering, and International Organized Crime (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004), 28.
