In 1952, concern about UFOs had peaked within the United States military, the intelligence community, and, as far as we can tell, the presidency itself. Chadwell’s December memo, written four months after the public debunking of UFOs, showed extreme bewilderment about the nature of UFOs, as well as concern over what exotic things were over American skies. The navy and air force both had a strong contingent, possibly a majority, that believed UFOs were extraterrestrial. The FBI continued to report on UFO developments to Hoover. Most importantly, American jets continued their efforts to intercept unidentified craft over their airspace, craft that seemed to be posing greater dangers to American personnel than they had before. Every indication was that the American government was taking this problem very seriously, and that the problem itself continued in a state of crisis.
Moreover, since the summer of 1952, it had been fairly clear that Dwight Eisenhower would win the presidential election against Democratic opponent Adlai Stevenson. Truman’s staff knew the Republicans gleefully awaited a major housecleaning after November. Administration changes, especially party changes, always bring their share of difficult adjustments. Even within the CIA, a Republican victory would likely mean changes for DCI Walter Bedell Smith. But what about adjustments for a UFO control group? Ever since UFOs had been a recognized problem, Truman had been president. With that prospect ending, surely those managing the problem wanted to keep it away from the wrong people. Mere changes in the presidency and controlling party could not be permitted to affect the handling of this all-important problem.
At the same time, something else was happening: a nascent “UFO Party” was forming, within the military (e.g., Fournet and a few higher-ups) and in the civilian sector (e.g., Keyhoe, Frank Edwards, and the civilian groups). Of course, this had been a problem for some time. Now, in the aftermath of the Great Wave, and facing the prospect of the uncertainties inherent in a new administration, this “UFO Party” most assuredly needed to be silenced and discredited, posthaste. Otherwise, they might make even bigger waves (and generate bigger leaks) within the new administration.
The last months of the Truman presidency give reasonable grounds to assert that leading men in the administration had two basic goals: one for the immediate period, and one for the long term. The immediate goal was to silence and discredit the UFO party. The long-term goal was to ensure that no major mistakes would occur by the new people about to take charge. Hence the significance of the Robertson Panel, which officially convened from Wednesday, January 14, to Sunday, January 18, 1953. This was the last matter of any consequence in Truman’s eight years in the White House. Eisenhower was sworn in as president two days later, on Tuesday, January 20.
Seen in this perspective, the panel’s significance is not that it merely served to “debunk” UFOs—something all researchers have acknowledged. Rather, it
Obviously, this was no job for the National Science Foundation. It is a matter of some importance that the organization entrusted with organizing the panel was the same organization involved in mind-control experiments, disinformation, foreign coups (Iran in 1953, Guatemala in 1954), media manipulation, the secret collection of UFO reports, and surveillance against American UFO researchers. (Indeed, just days before the panel convened, the CIA had been caught tapping the phone of the new president of Costa Rica, and continued for some time to wage a disinformation campaign against him.) If the job was not to get to the bottom of a scientific question, but rather to control a multiheaded hydra, then the CIA was the ideal choice.
Thus the setting for the Robertson Panel, held in secrecy and denied until 1958.
ROBERTSON PANEL: AGENDA
The initial meeting convened at 9:30 A.M. on Wednesday, January 14. Its panel members included Dr. H. P Robertson, Dr. Luis Alvarez, Dr. Thornton Page, and Dr. Samuel A. Goudsmit. CIA members Philip G. Strong, Lt. Col. Frederick C. E. Oder, David B. Stevenson, and Frederick Durant also attended. A fifth panel member, Dr. Lloyd V Berkner, was absent until Friday afternoon, when the panel was almost over.
