criminality of Jameson's act." A little later, the same account says, "On January 7,

Rhodes' resignation from the Premiership was announced, while the Editor found it more

convenient to devote his leading article to the familiar topic of German interference

rather than to the consequences of the Raid."(7)

All of this was being done on direct instructions from Rhodes, and with the knowledge

and approval of the management of The Times. In fact, Miss Shaw was the intermediary

between Rhodes, The Times, and the Colonial Office (Joseph Chamberlain). Until the end

of November 1895, her instructions from Rhodes came to her through his agent in

London, Dr. Rutherfoord Harris, but, when the good Dr. Harris and Alfred Beit returned

to South Africa in order to be on hand for the anticipated excitement, the former gave

Miss Shaw the secret code of the British South Africa Company and the cable address

TELEMONES LONDON, so that communications from Rhodes to Miss Shaw could be

sent directly. Dr. Harris had already informed Rhodes by a cable of 4 November 1895:

“If you can telegraph course you wish Times to adopt now with regard to Transvaal

Flora will act.”

On 10 December 1895, Miss Shaw cabled Rhodes:

“Can you advise when will you commence the plans, we wish to send at earliest

opportunity sealed instructions representative of the Lond Times European Capitals; it is

most important using their influence in your favor.”

The use of the word "we" in this message disposes once and for all of Miss Shaw's

later defense that all her acts were done on her own private responsibility and not in her

capacity as a department head of The Times. In answer to this request, Rhodes replied the

next day: “We do think about new year.”

This answer made The Times’s manager “very depressed,” so the next day (12

December) Miss Shaw sent the following cable to Rhodes:

“Delay dangerous sympathy now complete but will depend very much upon action

before European powers given time enter a protest which as European situation

considered serious might paralyze government.”

Five days after this came another cable, which said in part:

“Chamberlain sound in case of interference European powers but have special reason

to believe wishes you must do it immediately.”

To these very incriminating messages might be added two of several wires from

Rhodes to Miss Shaw. One of 30 December 1895, after Rhodes knew that the Jameson

Raid had begun and after Miss Shaw had been so informed by secret code, stated:

“Inform Chamberlain that I shall get through all right if he supports me, but he must

not send cable like he sent high commissioner in South Africa. Today the crux is, I will

win and South Africa will belong to England.”

And the following day, when the outcome of the raid was doubtful because of the

failure of the English in the Transvaal to rise against the Boers—a failure resulting from

that the fact that they were not as ill-treated as Miss Shaw, through The times, had been

telling the world for months—Rhodes cabled:

“Unless you can make Chamberlain instruct the high commissioner to proceed at once

to Johannesburg the whole position is lost. High commissioner would receive splendid

reception and still turn position to England advantage but must be instructed by cable

immediately. The instructions must be specific as he is weak and will take no

responsibility.” (8)

When we realize that the anticipated uprising of the English in the Transvaal had

been financed and armed with munitions from the funds of the British South Africa

Company, it is clear that we must wait until Hitler's coup in Austria in March 1938

to find a parallel to Rhodes's and Jameson's attempted coup in South Africa forty-

two years earlier.

The Jameson Raid, if the full story could ever be told, would give the finest

possible example of the machinations of Rhodes's secret society. Another example,

almost as good, would be the completely untold story of how the society covered up

these activities in the face of the investigation of the Parliamentary Select

Committee. The dangers from this investigation were so great that even Lord Rothschild

was pressed into service as a messenger. It was obvious from the beginning that the star

witness before the committee would be Cecil Rhodes and that the chief danger would be

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