Magazines had gone digital four years before so that they could be downloaded onto a Writepad personal notesheet computer, but some people, particularly the over-fifty generation, preferred a hardcopy to hold in their hands, so the glossy paper version continued to be published. A photo of Kurita was shown, the caption quoting him as saying Japan had nothing to do with the attack. Another picture showed the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman issuing the statement that the bombing was justified to eliminate the threat of the nuclear weapons in Greater Manchuria, making Kurita an instant liar. The lack of coordination of the Japanese government was astonishing, as it added even more to the picture of Kurita as a treacherous operative. Next was a story on the growing sentiment of Americans to “do something” about Japan, the bar graphs showing the burgeoning anti-Japanese sentiment. A final article profiled the US military, showing the possible military options that could be used against Japan. No one had attacked the US directly, but the mood of America now approached the intensity of feeling immediately before Pearl Harbor, if Time’s graphics were to be trusted. “So, let’s talk about how I see what’s going on here before we open this up to discussion,” Warner said. “First, Japan, feeling threatened by Greater Manchuria because of the possibility that Greater Manchuria could attack Tokyo, decides to take out the Greater Manchurian nuclear weapons. Next, Kurita is exposed doing what he denies. “I suggest two ways of looking at this. One, the Greater Manchurian nuclear weapons were dangerous and destabilizing. The Japanese in one sense did our work for us.” Warner rubbed her eyelids, looking tired for a second.
“Now the nukes are gone and the East Chinese or the West Chinese or the Russians may invade Greater Manchuria and take over their territory. One headache gone, a bigger new one replaces it. This is unacceptable for us, we need a real balance of power there, not one all-powerful Far East nation. “Now focus on Japan. We can say, for argument, that Greater Manchuria had no intentions of threatening Tokyo whatsoever, that their missiles were a deterrent to Russia and the Chinas. The attack by Japan on continental Asia is another example of Japan’s new militarism. Let’s look at the last five years. We essentially stopped trade between Japan and America. Europe followed suit. Japan was hurt, and badly. They turned their industrial strengths into rearming, building up a threatening military.” Pacino could almost hear in Warner’s words Donchez’s briefing. She must have liked it, found it convincing, because here she was speaking just as Donchez had a few days ago. “Next we see a Japanese strike against an Asian nation. They took matters into their own hands rather than consulting with the rest of the world. Our response now is critical. If we look the other way, we encourage Japan to keep using its military. Some of my advisors indicate that in another five years or less, Japan could well invade continental Asia and expand.
They would have an empire greater than in 1941. And that means China, Korea, Greater Manchuria, Indonesia, southeast Asia, all of it, back in aggressive Japanese hands. By then, there would be no stopping Japan without a major blood bath involving another world war. On the other hand, we could move in and stop this now, and turn the tide. How many of us would argue, if we could go back in time, with stopping Hitler when he tried to make his move into the Sudetenland? We could have averted World War II. An early confrontation avoids a later war, if we learn anything from history. So, in spite of Japan’s military strength, or because of it, I believe we should seriously discuss a military option.
I am also open to other options. I’d like to go around the room now and ask each of you for your opinion.” Warner was famous for this approach, Pacino thought. Her advisors hated it, but it allowed her to get to a decision quickly at the risk of generating great conflict among the cabinet. Warner was convinced she could manage the clashing egos, but the recent resignation of the attorney general had shaken the administration, and his replacement had yet to be chosen. “Alex, you get the honor of speaking up first.” Alex Addison was the soft-spoken chief of staff. He was fiercely protective of the president and her schedule but otherwise — as Donchez had described him — he would mostly be a good guy to have a beer with. He was short and balding but trim and well-dressed, still in his suit coat while the rest of the men were in shirtsleeves. “Thank you, Madam President,” Addison began so softly that Pacino had to strain to hear. “I think we should hammer the Japanese.
We’ve always been reasonable with them, but now they need to be taught a lesson — that they can’t just attack a neighbor without retribution.”
“Short and strong and to the point, Alex. What about the people?
