83. Below, 330; and see also 329, 339 for Hitler’s repeated recourse to the ‘unconditional surrender’ demand to reinforce his view that any suggestion of capitulating or searching for a negotiated peace was pointless. Goebbels, on the other hand, made no mention of it during his ‘total war’ speech and little or no use of it in the direction of propaganda. (See Gruchmann, Der Zweite Weltkrieg, 344; Irving, HW, 478 n.4.)
84. Below, 329; Manstein, 406–13; Gruchmann, Der Zweite Weltkrieg, 238.
85. Guderian, 302.
86. Eberhard Schwarz, Die Stabilisierung der Ostfront nach Stalingrad: Mansteins Gegenschlag zwischen Donez und Dnieper im Frühjahr 1943, Diss. Köln, 1981, 325–6; Below, 330–31; Guderian, 302; Weinberg III, 457–9.
87. Below, 332.
88. Warlimont, 312.
89. TBJG, II/7, 593 (20 March 1943).
90. Guderian, 306.
91. Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht (Wehrmachtführungsstab), Band III:1. Januar 1943–31. Dezember 1943, ed. Walther Hubatsch, Frankfurt am Main, 1963 (= KTB OKW, iii) pt.2, 1420–2 (Operationsbefehl Nr.5, Weisung für die Kampfführung der nächsten Monate an der Ostfront vom 13.3.1943). See also Manstein, 443–6; and Weinberg III, 601.
92. KTB OKW, iii/2, 1425–8 (Operationsbefehl Nr.6, Zitadelle, 15.4.43), quotation 1425.
93. Domarus, 2009; Manstein, 447.
94. Guderian, 306.
95. For brief portraits of Model, see Joachim Ludewig, ‘Walter Model — Hitlers bester Feldmarschall?’, in Smelser and Syring, 368–87; Samuel W. Mitcham, Jr and Gene Mueller, ‘Generalfeldmarschall Walter Model’, in Ueberschär, Hitlers militärische Elite, ii.153–60; and Carlo D’Este, ‘Model’, in Barnett, 318–33.
96. Guderian, 306.
97. Guderian, 308–9.
98. See LB Darmstadt, 197–8 (26 July 1943).
99. Timothy Mulligan, ‘Spies, Cyphers, and “Zitadelle”. Intelligence and the Battle of Kursk’, JCH, 22 (1987), 235–60; Glantz and House, 162–6.
100. Warlimont, 308, 311.
101. Warlimont, 307.
102. Warlimont, 308–10. Hitler was aware that Kesselring was ‘an enormous optimist (ein kolossaler Optimist)’, and that he needed to be careful not to be blinded by this optimism (LB Darmstadt, 95–6 (20 May 1943)).
103. Warlimont, 312.
104. Below, 333–4.
105. So Hitler told Goebbels, almost a month later (TBJG, II/8, 225 (7 May 1943)). The meetings at Klessheim took place between 7 and 10 April (Hauner, Hitler, 1 82–3).
106. Schmidt, 563.
107. TBJG, II/8, 225 (7 May 1943).
108. Dollmann, 35–7; see also Irving, HW, 504–6.
109. TBJG, II/7, 225 (7 May 1943).
110. Domarus, 2003–8.
111. 111. Staatsmanner II, 214–33, especially 217–24, 228–33 (quotations 215, 233).
112. Staatsmänner II, 234–63, quotation 238.
113. Nuremberg and Fürth were about four miles apart in the region of Middle Franconia, and had been linked in 1835 by Germany’s first stretch of railway. Nuremberg’s tradition as a ‘Freie Reichsstadt’ (Free Imperial City) in the days of the Holy Roman Empire, the ‘German’ virtues associated with the city through Wagner’s Meistetsinger von Nürnberg, and, in the Nazi era, its standing as the ‘City of the Reich Party Rallies (Stadt der Reichsparteitage)’ all contributed (together with the extreme antisemitic climate influenced by the Jew-baiting Gauleiter, Julius Streicher) to singling it out for Hitler as an especially ‘German’ city. Fürth, by contrast, had, until the late nineteenth century, had the largest Jewish population in Bavaria, coming to epitomize for the Nazis a ‘Jewish town’. In fact, by the time that Hitler came to power the proportion of Jews in the population of Fürth (2.6 per cent) was scarcely greater than that of Nuremberg (1.8 per cent). By 1939, the relative proportions had dwindled, respectively, to 1.0 per cent and 0.6 per cent (Ophir/Wiesemann, 179, 203).
114. Hillgruber, Staatsmänner II, 256–7.
115. TBJG, II/7, 515 (9 March 1943).
116. Hilberg, Vernichtung, iii. 1283–5; Fleming, Hitler und die Endlösung, 148–53; Gerald Reitlinger, The Final Solution, (1953), Sphere Books edn, London, 1971, 534 — 5.
117. Hilberg, Destruction, 323. For the uprising, see Yisrael Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw 1939–1943. Ghetto, Underground, Revolt, London, 1982, ch.14. The length of time it took to crush the uprising was a reflection, as Gutman shows, of the extent to which the German occupying forces had underestimated the activities and tenacity of the Jewish underground in the ghetto.
118. TBJG, II/8, 104 (14 April 1943).
