112. See Stalin’s response to the incident (Aug. 5, 1934) involving Artyom Nakhayev, who brought unarmed cadets to an infantry barracks in Moscow and told them to start a new revolution: “He is, of course (of course!), not alone . . . He is probably a Polish-German (or Japanese) agent.” Khlevniuk et al., Stalin i Kaganovich, 411–2, 421, 425, 429, 431–2, 437, 459–60; RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 17, l. 87; Khaustov et al., Lubianka: Stalin i VChK, 565 (RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 84, l. 15: Agranov to Stalin, Aug. 26, 1934), 818–9n147; Khromov, Po stranitsam, 154–5. Nakhayev had been expelled from the party and the Red Army for supporting the Trotskyite opposition in 1926–28. Zdanovich, Organy, 326 (citing TsA FSB, delo R-45677, l. 1).

113. Molotov added: “I don’t think any woman was involved.” Chuev, Sto sorok, 310–1; Chuev, Molotov, 376.

114. Lenoe, Kirov Murder, 264–7 (RGANI, f. 6, op. 13, d. 21, l. 86–93: A. I. Katsafa, who retook custody of Nikolayev after the interrogation); Rosliakov, Ubiistvo, 46; Artizov, Reabilitatsiia: kak eto bylo, I: 296 (Molotov, Dec. 31, 1955).

115. Lenoe, Kirov Murder, 271–3 (RGANI, f. 6, op. 13, d. 79, l. 1).

116. The NKVD pursued not the German but the Latvian consul connection. Nikolayev proved able to pick the Latvian consul (Georgs Bissenieks) out of eighteen photographs, and to describe the facility’s interior. Bissenieks was expelled from the Soviet Union on Dec. 30, 1934. (The Soviets would capture and execute him in 1940–1.)

117. Sedov et al., “Spravka,” 482. Mikoyan is among the many sources who falsely assert that from the first minutes Stalin fingered the Zinovievites. Mikoian, Tak bylo, 316.

118. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 955, l. 20. A former Socialist Revolutionary who had joined the Bolsheviks in 1919, Kandelaki had served as commissar of enlightenment in Georgia (1925–30) and Soviet trade representative in Sweden. He would make twenty visits to Stalin’s office, according to the logbooks. Na prieme, 627.

119. Gnedin, Iz istorii otnoshenii, 34–5; Gnedin, Katastrofa i votoroe rozhdenie, 237–9. See also Raymond, “Witness and Chronicler.”

120. Rybin, Riadom so Stalinym, 10.

121. Anderson et al., Kremlevskii kinoteatr, 970–2 (RGASPI. f. 558, op. 11, d. 828, l. 70–3). See also Mikoian, Tak bylo, 115, 148–50. The filmed Kirov speeches were to the second Leningrad province congress of collective farmers (July 17, 1933) and the Leningrad party plenum (Oct. 10, 1934). The documentary would open Jan. 14, 1935. Bliokh was awarded the Order of Lenin.

122. According to the heavy industry staffer Semyon Ginzburg, for days after Kirov’s death Orjonikidze would not appear at the commissariat. Upon his return, the staff “did not recognize the typically enthusiastic and vivacious Sergo. He had turned gray and aged noticeably. He often seemed lost in thought, with a face heavy from grief.” Ginzburg, “O gibeli Sergo Ordzhonikidze,” 89. Zinoviev and his former supporter Grigory Yevdokimov evidently sent an obituary to Pravda, which refused to publish it. Pravda, Aug. 15, 1936.

123. Stalin also liked “The Varangian” (“Tell the whole word, seagulls, the sad news: they did not surrender to the enemy, they fell for Russian honor”). Sergeev and Glushik, Besedy o Staline, 22–3, 78.

124. Stalin added: “Moreover, in the hands of talented masters, it is the most powerful art. We, the leaders, need to get directly involved in the work of cinema to help this extremely important cause. Those working in film need to take a great deal of care to ensure that films should be varied, that, together with serious works there should also be jolly ones, as in theatre, so that the viewer, depending on his mood and his level, might choose where he’d rather go today.” Anderson et al., Kremlevskii kinoteatr, 973–42 (RGASPI. f. 558, op. 11, d. 828, l. 74–5).

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