56. Moorhouse, Killing Hitler, 79–104, at 99, citing Helmuth Groscuth, Tagebücher eines Abwehroffiziers 1938–1940 (Stuttgart, 1970), 35.
57. See, for ex., the characteristic letter of Viscount Halifax to Sir Neville Henderson, July 28, 1938, in DBFP, 3rd series, II: 17.
58. Parker, Chamberlain and Appeasement, 174–81.
59. Weinberg, “Germany, Munich, and Appeasement,” 115–6.
60. Young, Diaries of Sir Robert Bruce Lockhart, I: 402.
61. Dilks,”‘We Must Hope for the Best,” 329 (Sept. 11, 1938).
62. Haslam, Struggle for Collective Security, 185.
63. Sorge had reported (Sept. 3, 1938) Tokyo’s preference for an alliance with Germany directed solely against the USSR. Eleven days later Sorge’s radio man transmitted another of his dispatches about Japanese commitment to planning war against the Soviet Union. Gromyko et al., SSSR v bor’be za mir nakanune, 650n8.
64. Glavnyi voennyi sovet RKKA, 142–52 (RGVA, f. 4, op. 18, d. 46, l. 191–4), 145–8 (l. 195–200), 149–51 (l. 201–5).
65. Zemskov, Novye dokumenty iz istorii Miunkhena, 98–100; Dokumenty i materialy kanuna vtoroi mirovoi voiny, I: 240; DVP SSSR, XXI: 498–9, 500; Adibekov et al., Politbiuro TsK RKP (b)—VKP (b) i Evropa, 363–4 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 162, d. 24, l. 5–6); DVP SSSR, XIX: 498–9, 500.
66. Ragsdale, Coming of World War II, 121–2; Dokumenty i materialy po istorii sovetsko-chekhoslovatskikh otnoshenii, III: 515–17 (Voroshilov’s mobilization order, Sept. 21, 1938), 518 (implementation, Sept. 22, 1938); Spáčil and Mal’tsev, Dokumenty po istorii Miunkhenskogo sgovora, 254–6. See also Grylev, “Nakanune i v dni Miunkhena,” 220–7; Grechko et al., Istoriia Vtoroi mirovoi voiny, II: 104–7; Zakharov, General’nyi shtab, 112–5; Jukes, “Red Army.”
67. See Litvinov’s appeal to Stalin from Geneva to seize the moment: DVP SSSR, XXI: 520 (Sept. 23, 1938). In Geneva since early Sept., Litvinov repeatedly urged Stalin toward a more activist policy over Czechoslovakia while vowing that his recommended actions would not increase the USSR’s obligations, an implied reading of Stalin’s concerns. Steiner, “Soviet Commissariat of Foreign Affairs.”
68. Dullin, Men of Influence, 261 (citing SHAT, 7N3123: report of attaché, Oct. 18, 1938).
69. “Prime Minister on the Issues,” The Times, Sept. 28, 1938: 10. See also Chamberlain, In Search of Peace, 393.
70. Weinberg, Foreign Policy, II: 378–464. See also Wendt, Grossdeutschland, 150–2.
71. The Soviets, Churchill later wrote of the Munich Pact, “were not brought into the scale against Hitler, and were treated with an indifference—not to say disdain—which left a mark in Stalin’s mind.” He added: “Events took their course as if Soviet Russia did not exist. For this we afterward paid dearly.” Churchill, Second World War, I: 305. See also Eberle and Uhl, Hitler Book, 30–4.
72. Overy, “Germany and the Munich Crisis”; Kershaw, Hitler: 1936–1945, 113–25. On Aug. 2, 1938, British ambassador to Germany Neville Henderson had envisioned exclusion of the Soviet Union from a Four Power Conference supposedly for want of time. DBFP, 3rd series, III: 35–6 (Henderson to Strang).
73. Chamberlain had written (Sept. 13) to King George VI about the pending trip to meet Hitler. Haslam, Struggle for Collective Security, 188. See also Crozier, Causes of the Second World War, 144.
74. Fry, “Agents and Structures.”
75. Gunsburg, Divided and Conquered, 66–7.
76. Girard de Charbonnières, La plus évitable de toutes les guerres, 159–63; Thomas, “France and the Czechoslovak Crisis.” Daladier told American ambassador Bullitt (Oct. 2) that Munich had been an “immense defeat for France and England.” Haight, American Aid to France, 13 (citing Bullitt Papers).
77. Lukes, Czechoslovakia between Hitler and Stalin, 237.
