47. Jackel, Hitler’s Worldview, 47–66. Hitler did not use anti-Semitism as a vote-gathering or scapegoating ploy to come to power, but was using power to realize a deeply held anti-Semitic agenda. Kershaw, Nazi Dictatorship (4th ed.), 93–132.
48. Heiden had been the correspondent for the liberal Frankfürter Zeitung in his hometown in the 1920s, watching Hitler’s rabble-rousing, then in 1933 had gone into exile in the Saarland, before moving to Switzerland and eventually France. “The ‘hero’ of this book is neither a superman nor a puppet,” he wrote in the preface (dated 1935). “He is a very interesting contemporary and, viewed quantitatively, a man who has stirred up the masses more than anyone else in human history.” He depicted Hitler as both the reflection of and the antithesis to Europe, which, he argued, was a community of shared interests and of democracy that provided for freedom and peace. He called for a new “people’s parliament, constituted by freely elected representatives of all nations,” to replace “the conference of diplomats and bureaucrats in Geneva.” Heiden, Hitler, I: 6, 330; Heiden, Hitler, II: 267, 369. Volume 1 was translated as Hitler: A Biography (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1936).
49. Yaney, “War and the Evolution of Russian Government,” 302–3.
50. Khaustov and Samuelson, Stalin, NKVD, 30–2.
51. “If there is any fighting in Europe to be done,” British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin had told a group of parliamentarians in 1936, “I should like to see the Bolsheviks and the Nazis doing it.” He also remarked: “If he [Hitler] moves East, I shall not break my heart.” Middlemas and Barnes, Baldwin, 947; Carley, “Soviet Foreign Policy.”
52. Bullard also complained of his colleague, the British ambassador to Moscow, that “the dishonesty of the Soviet leaders does not disgust him.” Bullard and Bullard, Inside Stalin’s Russia, 144, 151.
53. Carley, 1939.
54. “We are in the remarkable position of not wanting to quarrel with anybody because we have got most of the world already, or the best parts of it, and we only want to keep what we have got and prevent others from taking it away from us,” Admiral Sir A. E. Chatfield had observed privately in mid-1934. “We are a very rich and very vulnerable Empire and there are plenty of poor adventurers who are not far away who look on us with hungry eyes,” Chamberlain had written in a private letter (Jan. 16, 1938). Thorne, Limits of Foreign Policy, 397–8 (letter to Warren Fisher, June 4, 1934); Freiling, Life of Neville Chamberlain, 323 (Chamberlain to Mrs. Morton Prince).
55. Haas, Ideological Origins of Great Power Politics, 105–45. See also Neilson, Britain, Soviet Russia.
56. Overy, Twilight Years.
57. Gibbs, Ordeal in England, 409–10.
58. Schroeder, “Munich and the British Tradition.”
59. Caputi, Neville Chamberlain and Appeasement; McDonough, Neville Chamberlain; Mills, “Chamberlain-Grandi Conversations”; Parker, Chamberlain and Appeasement.
60. Layne, “Security Studies”; Peden, Arms, Economics, 127, 138; and Reynolds, In Command of History, 99.
61. McKercher, “Deterrence,” 119.
62. Kennedy, “Tradition of Appeasement,” 195.
63. Carley, 1939, 108; Haslam, “Soviet-German Relations,” 792 (citing a 1982 lecture by Lord Home, an eyewitness to the Munich Pact).
64. Tooze, Deluge.
65. Indigenous enmities in Eastern Europe would eventually prove enabling to Hitler, creating a kind of competition for his favor. Not for nothing did Czeslaw Milosz recoil at the region’s “acute national hatreds.” Milosz, Native Realm, 23.
66. Wolfer, Britain and France.
67. Dullin, Men of Influence, 265, citing AVP RF, f. 136, op. 22, pap. 172, d. 865 (Litvinov to Surits, Oct. 17, 1938); DVP SSSR, XXI: 618–9 (Litvinov to Surits, Nov. 4, 1938); Pons, Stalin and the Inevitable War, 136. Stalin had Potyomkin reaffirm to Paris that their 1935 treaty remained in force. DVP SSSR, XXII/i: 79–80 (Jan. 27, 1939).
