106. Ericson, Feeding the German Eagle, 57–61; Trial of the Major War Criminals, XXXI: 233; DGFP, series D, VIII: 310–3 (Ritter and Schulenburg to the foreign ministry, Oct. 18, 1939); Sontag and Beddie, Nazi-Soviet Relations, 83–5.
107. As late as Aug. 20, Drax had written to Voroshilov that he had not yet received an answer from his government: Volkogonov, Triumf I tragediia, II/1: 21–2 (RGVA, f. 33987, op. 3, d. 1235, l. 73); Volkogonov, Stalin: Triumph and Tragedy, 351.
108. The agreement, at Soviet insistence, mentioned German “industrial goods,” but had not specified what the term encompassed. In Oct. 1939, both Schnurre and Karl Ritter would deny this included armaments, perhaps as a way of bargaining for better terms of exchange. Wish lists the Soviets had passed on made abundantly clear industrial goods meant weaponry. Schwendemann, Die Wirtschaftliche Zussamenarbeit, 90–7.
109. Sontag and Beddie, Nazi-Soviet Relations, 66–7; Akten zur deutschen auswärtigen Politik, VII: 131 (Russian translation, Volkogonov, Hoover Institution Archives, container 1); DGFP, series D, VII: 156–7 (Ribbentrop to the Moscow embassy, Aug. 20, 1939); God krizisa, II: 302 (AVP RF, f. 0745, op. 14, pap. 32, d. 3, l. 63–4); DVP SSSR, XXII/ii: 585 n172; Volkogonov, Triumf I tragediia, II/1: 28–9.
110. Fleischhauer, Diplomatischer Widerstand, 14–28. Stalin preserved the exchange with Hitler in his personal archive: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 296, l. 1–3.
111. God krizisa, II: 303 (AVP RF, f. 0745, op. 14, pap. 32, d. 3, l. 65); DVP SSSR, XXII/i: 624.
112. Hilger and Meyer, Incompatible Allies, 300; Hoffman, Hitler Was My Friend, 102; Speer, Erinnerungen, 176; Domarus, Hitler: Reden, III: 1233; Das deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg, IV: 142.
113. Watt, How War Came, 466–70; Meehan, Unnecessary War, 233–4; Maser, Der Wortbruch, 59–60.
114. Antonov, “Anatolii Gorskii.”
115. Kershaw, Hitler: 1936–1945, 207; Baumgart, “Zur Ansprache Hitlers” (no. 2), esp. 126, 132–3 n53 and n55, 149n113; Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, 180; Albrecht, “‘Wer redet heute noch von der Vernichtung der Armenier?’”
116. Kershaw, Hitler: 1936–1945, 212–3; Maiskii, Dnevnik diplomata, I: 439–40 (Aug. 22, 1939). “Of all the big Nazi leaders, Hermann Gōring was for me by far the most sympathetic,” Henderson would write in 1940. He had certain attractive qualities; and I must say that I had a real personal liking for him.” Henderson, Failure of a Mission, 76. Prażmowska concluded that Britain’s “guarantee to Poland had more to do with obtaining leverage with Poland in order to force her to the negotiating table, than with the defence of Poland from aggression.” Prażmowska, Britain, Poland, 190.
117. Khrushchev, Vospominaniia, I: 225–6. On Aug. 22, 1939, with the TASS announcement of Ribbentrop’s pending arrival, the Comintern executive (Gottwald, Dimitrov, Kuusinen, Manuilsky, Marti, and Florin) assembled to map out a position defending against attacks by the “bourgeois” press in Britain and France. Lebedeva and Narinskii, Komintern i Vtoraia mirovaia voina, 69–71 (RGASPI, f. 495, op. 18, d. 1291, l. 141–3).
118. Gorodetsky, Maisky Diaries, 220.
119. Dilks, Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan, 199n. Sydney Cotton, an Australian pilot and aerial photography specialist who worked for British Air Intelligence, had been sent to Berlin to pick up Göring. DGFP, series D, VII: 235–6 (Woermann note, Aug. 23, 1939).
120. Volkogonov, Triumf i tragediia, II/i: 110. For an earlier such incident involving Lord Beaverbrook in 1933, see Thayer, Bears in the Caviar, 33–4.
121. Memoir accounts claim that the airfield was festooned with Nazi flags, retrieved from the anti-Nazi productions at Mosfilm studios, and that a Soviet military band struck up “Deutschland über Alles,” but the detailed Soviet newsreels show neither the flags nor the band. RGAKFD, ed. khr. 16332. The German planes were “locked up” in a hangar under NKVD guard, no doubt so that they could be thoroughly examined. Baur, Hitler’s Pilot, 95.
122. Teske, General Ernst Köstring, 142.
