81 Dan Quayle, Standing Firm: A Vice-Presidential Memoir (New York: HarperCollins, 1994), 170.

82 Michael R. Beschloss and Strobe Talbott, At the Highest Levels: The Inside Story of the End of the Cold War (Boston: Little, Brown, 1993), 104–5. See also George Bush and Brent Scowcroft, A World Transformed (New York: Knopf, 1998), 142–43.

83 Sukhanov, Tri goda, 99.

84 Yeltsin and his party did not always see American reality for what it was. For example, he came to the conclusion that homelessness was not a major problem in New York, and one member of the Russian group declared that the homeless were on the streets not because they had nowhere to sleep but because they wanted the authorities to give them plots of land on which they could build houses. Ibid., 100–101.

85 Ibid., 149, 153. I learned of Yeltsin’s upset on the bus from Wesley Neff of the Leigh Bureau, who witnessed it. Excerpts from the Randall’s video are in Prezident vseya Rusi, part 2.

86 Sukhanov, Tri goda, 150.

87 Boris Nemtsov, first interview with the author (October 17, 2000). Yeltsin was “shocked” when he described the Houston store to Naina upon his return. She underwent a similar shock a few months later during a private visit to the Netherlands. In November 1991, when she accompanied Yeltsin on his first foreign visit as Russian president to Germany, the wife of the mayor of Cologne took her shopping for shoes and on a walk through the city market. Thinking of Moscow’s bare shelves, “I was ashamed. I had worked my whole life, we had wanted to make life better, and we had not done anything. I wanted to hide somewhere.” Naina Yeltsina, second interview with the author (September 18, 2007).

88 Yel’tsin, Zapiski, 181.

89 James MacGregor Burns, Transforming Leadership: A New Pursuit of Happiness (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), 166.

90 Gaidar, Gibel’ imperii.

91 See especially Archie Brown, “Gorbachev, Lenin, and the Break with Leninism,” Demokratizatsiya/Democratization 15 (Spring 2007), 230–44.

92 I owe the sequence frown-doubt-assent to Steven Englund, Napoleon: A Political Life (New York: Scribner, 2004), 38. On the ambiguous attitudes of younger Soviets, see Yurchak, Everything Was Forever.

93 “Yeltsin Airs Plans for Deputies Elections,” FBIS-SOV-9-021 (January 31, 1990), 69. In this context, Yeltsin meant “leftward” to connote openness to change, and not to a greater state role in the economy, as the word tends to mean in the West. In the 1990s Russian understandings of left-right terminology came into better conformity with foreign ones.

94 In John B. Dunlop, The Rise of Russia and the Fall of the Soviet Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 49–50. Yeltsin first indicated he thought of himself as a social democrat on a visit to Greece the month before. John Morrison, Boris Yeltsin: From Bolshevik to Democrat (New York: Dutton, 1991), 108.

95 The decision was made a few days after Korzhakov celebrated Yeltsin’s fifty-eighth birthday with him. “The bosses especially did not like the toasts I raised to Boris Nikolayevich. Fallen leaders of the Communist Party, it turns out, are not supposed to have any prospects for the future.” Korzhakov, Boris Yel’tsin, 69. Viktor Suzdalev, another of Yeltsin’s three guards from 1985 to 1987, was removed for the same offense. Yurii Kozhukhov, the head bodyguard, was demoted by the KGB after November 1987 but dropped contact with Yeltsin.

96 Aleksandr Korzhakov, Boris Yel’tsin: ot rassveta do zakata; poslesloviye (Boris Yeltsin: from dawn to dusk; epilogue) (Moscow: Detektiv-press, 2004), 517–18. He relates that the machine was at idle as the driver talked to the driver of a Zhiguli car through the car window. “It became clear later” that the passenger had a damaged spinal disk and bruised kidneys, “after which he was very ill for a long time.” Korzhakov says he and a neighbor, businessman Vladimir Vinogradov, helped with medical expenses and paid for the funeral, since the unnamed victim “had no close relatives.” Korzhakov writes that Yeltsin never inquired about the man’s condition, and does not mention having volunteered information about it to his boss. Yeltsin family members say the Korzhakov volume was the first they had heard of the matter.

97 A lurid book written with Korzhakov’s cooperation replays many of his stories about Yeltsin, but not this one. The book also makes extensive use of KGB files. See Khinshtein, Yel’tsin, Kreml’, istoriya bolezni.

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