“Until the nations can be brought to the two principles of collective security already
described, the best security for peace is that the world should be divided into zones within
each of which one of the great armed Powers, or a group of them, is clearly preponderant,
and in which therefore other Powers do not seek to interfere. Then there may be peace for
a time. The peace of the 19th century rested on the fact that the supremacy of the British
Nà: kept the whole oceanic area free from general war. . . . The vital question now arises
whether in that same zone, to which France and Scandinavia must be added, it is not
possible, despite the immense armaments of central Europe, Russia, and the Far East, for
the democracies to create security, stability, and peace in which liberal institutions can
survive. The oceanic zone in fact constitutes the one part of the world in which it is
possible today to realize the ideals of the League of Nations.”
From this point onward (early 1938), the Milner Group increasingly emphasized the
necessity for building up this Oceanic bloc. In England the basic propaganda work was
done through
through the Rhodes Scholarship organization, especially through Clarence Streit and
Frank Aydelotte. In England, Curtis wrote a series of books and articles advocating a new
federal organization built around the English-speaking countries. The chief work of this
nature was his
volume edition was issued in 1938, with the title
two volumes of this work are nothing more than a rehash and expansion of the older work
rewriting of world history, the author sought to review the evolution of the
"commonwealth" idea and to show that all of history leads to its fulfillment and
achievement in federation. Ultimately, this federation will be worldwide, but en route it
must pass through stages, of which the chief is federation of the English-speaking
peoples. Writing early in 1937, he advocated that the League of Nations be destroyed by
the mass resignation of the British democracies. These should then take the initiative in
forming a new league, also at Geneva, which would have no power to enforce anything
but would merely form a kind of international conference. Since it would be foolish to
expect any federation to evolve from any such organization as this, a parallel, but quite
separate, effort should be made to create an international commonwealth, based on the
example of the United States in 1788. This international commonwealth would differ
from the League of Nations in that its members would yield up part of their sovereignty,
and the central organization would function directly on individuals and not merely on
states. This international commonwealth would be formed, at first, only of those states
that have evolved furthest in the direction of obtaining a commonwealth form of
government for themselves. It will be recalled that this restriction on membership was
what Curtis had originally advocated for the League of Nations in
December 1918. According to Curtis, the movement toward the Commonwealth of God
can begin by the union of any two national commonwealths, no matter how small. He
suggested New Zealand and Australia, or these two and Great Britain. Then the
international commonwealth could be expanded to include India, Egypt, Holland,
Belgium, Scandinavia, France, Canada, the United States, and Ireland. That the chief
obstacle to this union was to be found in men's minds was perfectly clear to Curtis. To
overcome this obstacle, he put his faith in propaganda, and the chief instruments of that
propaganda, he said, must be the churches and the universities. He said nothing about the
Milner Group, but, considering Curtis's position in this Group and that Lothian and others
agreed with him, it is not surprising that the chief source of this propaganda is to be found
in those agencies controlled by the Group. (12)
In the United States, the chief source of this propaganda was the organization known
as Union Now, which was an offshoot of the Rhodes Scholarship network. The
publicized originator of the idea was Clarence Streit, Rhodes Scholar at Oxford in 1920
and League of Nations correspondent of
plan, which was very similar to Curtis's, except that it included fifteen countries to begin
with, was first made public at a series of three lectures at Swarthmore College in
February 1939. Almost simultaneously his book,
wide publicity. Before we look at that, we might mention that at the time the president of
Swarthmore College was Frank Aydelotte, the most important member of the Milner