Conference 1919, VI, 727-729. That Kerr wrote Article 22 is revealed in H. V.

Temperley, History of the Peace Conference, V1, 501. That Curtis wrote"Windows of

Freedom" and showed it to Smuts before he wrote his memorandum was revealed by

Curtis in a private communication to Professor Quincy Wright, according to Q. Wright,

Mandates underthe League of Nations (Chicago, 1930), 22-23, note 53a.

6. W. K. Hancock, Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs (3 vols., London, 1940-

1942), 1, 125.

7. S. G. Millen, General Smuts (2 vols., London, 1936), II, 321.

Chapter 10

1. Robert Jemmett Stopford (1895- ) was a banker in London from 1921 to 1928. He

was private secretary to the chairman of the Simon Commission in 1928-193O, a member

of the "Standstill Committee" on German Foreign Debts, a member of the Runciman

Commission to Czechoslovakia in 1938, Liaison Officer for Refugees with the

Czechoslovakian government in 1938-1939, Financial Counselor at the British Embassy

in Washington in 1943-1945.

Chapter 11

1. See Journals and Letters of Reginald, Viscount Esher (4 vols., London 1938), 11,

56, and III, 8.

2. According to David Ogg, Herbert Fisher, 1865-1940 (London, 1947), 96, Fisher,

"helped Mr. Montagu in drafting the Montagu-Chelmsford Report."

3. This memorandum was published, with Lord Halifax's permission, in A. C.

Johnson, Viscount Halifax (New York, 1941).

Chapter 12

1. See the minutes of the Council of Four, as recorded by Sir Maurice Hankey, in U.S.

Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States. The

Paris PeaceConference, (Washington, D.C., 1946), VI, 138-160.

2. In Europe in Convalescence (New York, 1922), Alfred Zimmern wrote of October

1918 as follows: "Europe, 'from the Rhine to the Volga' to quote from a memorandum

written at the time, was in solution. It was not a question now of autocratic against

popular government; it was a question of government against anarchy. From one moment

to the next every responsible student of public affairs, outside the ranks of the

professional revolutionaries, however red his previous affiliations may have been, was

turned perforce into a Conservative. The one urgent question was to get Europe back to

work" (80).

In The Round Table for December 1918 (91-92) a writer (probably Curtis) stated:

"Modern civilization is at grips with two great dangers, the danger of organized

militarism . . . and the more insidious, because more pervasive danger of anarchy and

class conflict.... As militarism breeds anarchy, so anarchy in its turn breeds militarism.

Both are antagonistic to civilization."

In The Round Table for June 1919, Brand wrote: "It is out of any surplus on her

foreign balance of trade that Germany can alone—apart from any immediately available

assets—pay an indemnity. Why should Germany be able to do the miracle that France

and Italy cannot do, and not only balance her trade, but have great surpluses in addition to

pay over to her enemies? . . . If, as soon as peace is declared, Germany is given assistance

and credit, she can pay us something, and should pay all she can. But what she can pay in

the next five years must be, we repeat, limited. If, on the other hand, we take away from

her all her liquid assets, and all her working capital, if furthermore, she is bound in future

to make yearly payments to an amount which will in any reasonable human expectation

exceed her capacity, then no one outside of a lunatic asylum will lend her money or

credit, and she will not recover sufficiently to pay anything" —War and National Finance

(London, 1921), 193.

3. The attitude of the Group toward "French militarism" can be found in many places.

Among others, see Smuts's speech of October 1923, quoted below. This attitude was not

shared by Professor Zimmern, whose understanding of Europe in general and of France

in particular was much more profound than that of other members of the Group. In

Europe in Convalescence (158-161) he wrote: "A declaration of British readiness to sign

the Guarantee Treaty would be the best possible answer to French, and it may be added

also to Belgian fears.... He little knows either the French peasant or the French townsman

who thinks that aggression, whether open or concealed, against Germany need ever be

feared from their country.... France feels that the same willfully uncomprehending British

policy, the same aggravatingly self-righteous professions of rectitude, pursue her in the

East, from Danzig to Upper Silesia, as on the Western frontier of her hereditary foe; and

in her nervous exasperation she puts herself ever more in the wrong with her impeccably

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